and, if necessary, can call a special meeting at which the propositions can be thoroughly and exhaustively analyzed and debated.

"In the meantime, it is hardly necessary for us precipately to approve the mere theory or principle of a League of Nations in the abstract, and any such hasty action on our part at the present crucial time is certain to be misinterpreted as favoring some plan or other called a League of Nations which is not before us and of which we may have little or no definite conception.

"In conclusion, I would venture to add a word on the subject of internationalism, which in theory is so attractive to some, but which in practice, as many believe, left France and England unprepared for war in 1914 and on the verge of disaster. It seems to me that not a step should be taken committing or covenanting our country which shall tend toward internationalism in the sense that its most persistent advocates conceive it, or which shall tend in any degree to diminish what we know as nationalism or independence in contradistinction to internationalism or the interdependence of nations.

"We are altogether too proud of the display of nationalism and peace throughout the world at whatever cost of American life and treasure. But before we assume any such extensive and far-reaching obligation and duty, and thereby mortgage our future and the future of our children, it is certainly not too much to demand great caution and deliberation in order that the nation shall not be committed to any particular League of Nations until it has been fully advised as to its terms and provisions and has had full opportunity to study and discuss them and weigh their obligations. At least, due opportunity should be first afforded our representatives in the Senate to give their advice and consent, for we are still essentially a representative form of republican Government and the Constitution still regulates the treaty-making power."

GENERAL SMUTS'S PLAN FOR A LEAGUE OF NATIONS 1

Paris, January 13.-Many plans for a league of nations have been submitted and discussed already, and while the differences between the French, British, and American conceptions are vital, all recognize the necessity of doing the utmost to prevent wars in future. While President Wilson was in England, Mr. Lloyd George gave him a copy of the memorandum prepared by Gen. Smuts, of South Africa, and a member of the British Cabinet, who has worked out a detailed scheme which has the backing of the British Government. Mr. Wilson is sympathetic with many ideas in the Smuts plan, but the indications are that the American delegation will favor an even more comprehensive formula.

I have just read a copy of the Smuts plan, which covers twenty printed pages, to be published in full soon, and while in no sense can it be said that any of the peace delegations have finally adopted it, nevertheless the ideas contained reflected the advanced thought prevailing in British minds concerning future international intercourse. Before discussing the trend of opinion in American quarters and the crystallization of ideas among our delegates I shall present briefly the main points of the Smuts plan as showing the American public how far British democracy is willing to go to make a new world. Gen. Smuts admits that the plan must be subject to discussion, even to radical changes, but suggests as a tentative programme for the Peace Conference the following:

(1.) That in the vast multiplicity of territorial, economic, and other problems with which the Peace Conference will find itself confronted it should look upon setting up a league of nations as its primary basic task and as supplying a necessary organ by which most of those problems can find their only solution. Indeed, the conference should look upon itself as the first or preliminary meeting of the league intended to work out its organization, functions, and programme.

(2.) That in so far, at any rate, as the peoples and territories

1 By David Lawrence, in the New York Evening Post, January 13, 1919.

formerly belonging to Russia, Austria-Hungary, and Turkey are concerned, the league should be considered as reversionary in the most general sense and as clothed with the right of ultimate disposal in accordance with certain fundamental principles. The reversion to the league of nations should be substituted for any policy of national annexation.

(3.) These principles are that there shall be no annexation of any of these territories to any of the victorious states, and that in the future government of these territories and peoples the rule of self-determination or consent of the governed to their form of government shall be fairly and reasonably applied.

(4.) That any authority, control, or administration which may be necessary in respect to these territories and peoples other than their own self-determined autonomy shall be the exclusive function of and shall be vested in the league of nations and exercised by or on behalf of it.

(5.) That it shall be lawful for the league of nations to delegate its authority, control, or administration, in respect of any people or territory, to some other state whom it may appoint as its agent or mandatary, but wherever possible the agent or mandatary so appointed shall be nominated or approved by the autonomous people or territory.

(6.) That any degree of authority, control, or administration exercised by a mandatary state shall in each case be laid down by the league in a special act or charter which shall reserve to it complete power of ultimate control and supervision, as well as the right of appeal to it from or by the people affected, against any gross breach of mandate by the mandatary state.

(7.) That the mandatary state shall in each case be bound to maintain the policy of the open door or equal economic opportunity for all, and shall form no military forces beyond the standard laid down by the league for purposes of internal police.

(8.) That no state arising from the old empires shall be recognized or admitted into the league unless on condition that its military forces and armaments shall conform to the standard laid down by the league in respect of it from time to time.

(9.) That as a successor to empires the league of nations will directly, and without power of delegation, watch over the relations inter se of new independent states arising from the breakup of those empires, and will regard as a very special task the

duty of conciliating and composing differences among them with a view to the maintenance of good order and general peace.

(10.) The constitution of the league will be that of a permanent conference among the Governments of the constituent states for the purpose of joint international action in certain defined respects and will not derogate from the independence of those states. It will consist of a general conference, a council, and courts of arbitration and conciliation.

(11.) The general conference in which all the constituent states will have equal voting power and will meet periodically to discuss matters submitted to it by the council. These matters will be general measures of international law or arrangements or general proposals for the limitations of armaments of securing world peace or any other general resolutions the discussion of which by the conference is desired by the council before they are forwarded for approval to the constituent Governments. Any resolution passed by the conference will have the effect of recommendations to the national Governments or Parliaments.

(12.) The council will be the executive committee of the league and will consist of the Prime Ministers or Foreign Secretaries or other authoritative representatives of the great Powers, together with representatives drawn in rotation from two panels of the middle Powers and minor states respectively in such a way that the great Powers shall have a bare majority. A minority of three or more can veto any action or resolution in council.

(13.) The council will meet periodically, and will, in addition, hold annual meetings of the Prime Ministers or Foreign Secretaries for general interchange of views and for review of the general policies of the league. It will appoint a permanent secretariat and staff, and will appoint joint committees for the study and coördination of international questions with which the council deals or questions likely to lead to international disputes. It will also take the necessary steps for keeping up a proper liaison not only with the foreign offices of the constituent Governments, but also with the mandataries acting in behalf of the league in various parts of the world.

(14.) Its function will be to take executive action or control in regard to the matters set forth in the first nine points and formulate for the approval of the Governments the general

measures of international law or arrangements for limitation of armaments or promotion of world peace.

(15.) That all the states represented in the Peace Conference shall agree to the abolition of conscription or compulsory military service, and their future defence forces shall consist of militia or volunteers whose numbers and training shall after expert inquiry be fixed by the council of the league.

(16.) That while the limitation of armaments in a general sense is impracticable, the council of the league shall determine what direct military equipment and armament is fair and reasonable in respect of the scale of forces laid down under point fifteen, and that the limits fixed by the council shall not be exceeded without its permission.

(17.) All factories for the production of direct weapons of war shall be nationalized, and their production shall be subject to inspection by officers of the council, and that council shall be furnished periodically with returns of the imports and exports of munitions of war into or from the territories of members and as far as possible into or from other countries.

(18.) That the peace treaty shall provide that the members of the league shall bind themselves jointly and severally not to go to war with one another without previously submitting the matter in dispute to arbitration or inquiry by the council of the league, and not before there has been an award or a report by the council, and not even then as against a member which complies with the award or recommendation if any is made by the council in its report.

(19.) The peace treaty shall provide that if any member of the league breaks its covenant under point 18 it shall ipse facto become at war with all the other members of the league, which shall subject it to a complete economic and financial boycott, including the severance of all trade and financial relations and prohibition of all intercourse between the subjects of the nations comprising the league and the subjects of the covenant-breaking state, and prevention as far as possible of the subjects of the covenant-breaking state from having any commercial or financial intercourse with the subjects of any other state whether a member of the league or not. While all members of the league are obliged to take the above measures, it shall be left to the council to decide what effective naval or military force the members