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INDEX TO THE TWENTY-SIX ARTICLES OF
THE CONSTITUTION OF THE LEAGUE

OF NATIONS'

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International bureaus. See Bu-
reaus, International
International intercourse, Art. VIII,
ΧΙ

Labor, Bureau of, Art. XX

Mandatory commission, Art. XIX
Mandatory States, Art. XIX
Meetings, Body of delegates, Art.
II; Executive Council, Art. III;
Matters of procedure, Art. IV
Membership. See admission to the
League.

Military programs, Art. VIII, IX
Munitions, Art. VIII, IX; Trade
in, Art. XVIII

Naval programs, Art. VIII, IX
Officials, Art. VI

Peoples, Backward, Art. XIX
Political independence, Art. X
President, United States of Amer-
ica, Art. IV

Regions devastated by war, Art.
XXI

Representation, body of delegates,
Art. II; Executive Council, Art.
III

Representatives, Art. VI

Secretariat, Art. I, V

Secretary General, Art. V, XV,
XXIII

Self-determination, Art. XIX
States, Non-signatory, Art. VII;
Non-member, Art. XVII

Territorial integrity. Art. X
Territories, Art. XIX

Transit, Freedom of, Art. XXI
Treaties, Art. XXII, XXIII, XXIV

War, Art. XI, XII, XVI

1 See page 301 of this volume.

SUPPLEMENTARY ARTICLES FOR

FOURTH EDITION

LODGE AND LOWELL DEBATE THE
COVENANT1

SENATOR LODGE:

Governor Coolidge in introducing the Senator said:

"My fellow citizens: We are gathered here tonight as the representatives of a great people to hear the discussion of a great question by great men. All America desires that peace

which our brave soldiers have won with the sword should be made secure by fact and by parchment. That is a duty that we owe alike to the living and to the dead. Fortunate is Massachusetts that it has two citizens so eminently fitted to discuss for us this question, for wherever statesmen gather, wherever men love letters, the discussion of this evening will be read and pondered.

"Of course two great sons of Massachusetts, the one is the senior Senator of the Commonwealth, the other a President of a university established under our Constitution. The first to address you is a Senator pre-eminent in Massachusetts, honored here and famed abroad-Henry Cabot Lodge."

Senator Lodge spoke as follows:

"Your Excellency, ladies and gentlemen, my fellow-Americans: I am largely indebted to President Lowell for this opportunity to address this opportunity to address this great audience. He and I are friends of many years, both Republicans. He is the President of our great university, one of the most important and influential places in the United States. He is also an eminent student and historian of politics and government. He and I may differ as to methods in this great question now befor the people, but I am sure that in regard to the security of the peace of the world and the welfare of the United States we do not differ in purposes.

1 Text of the debate between Henry Cabot Lodge, United States Senator from Massachusetts, and A. Lawrence Lowell, President of Harvard University, at Symphony Hall, Boston, Mass., March 19, 1919. Reprinted from the New York Times, Thursday, March 20, 1919.

"I am going to say a single word, if you will permit me, as to my own position. I have tried to state it over and over again. I thought I had stated it in plain English. But there are those who find in misrepresentation a convenient weapon for controversy, and there are others, most excellent people, who, perhaps, have not seen what I have said and who possibly have misunderstood me.

"It has been said that I am against any League of Nations. I am not; far from it. I am anxious to have the nations, the free nations of the world, united in a league, as we call it, a society, as the French call it, but united, to do all to bring about a general disarmament.

"I have also been charged with inconsistency. In the Autumn of 1914, Theodore Roosevelt made a speech in which he brought forward the idea of a League of Nations for the prevention of future wars. In the following June of 1915, speaking at Union College in New York on Commencement, I took up the same idea and discussed the establishment of a League of Nations backed by force. I spoke of it only in general terms. I spoke again in favor of it in the following Winter before the meeting of the League to Enforce Peace.

"But the more I reflected upon it and the more I studied it the more difficult the problem appeared to me. It became very clear to me that in trying to do too much we might lose all; that there were many obstacles and many dangers in the way; and that it would require the greatest skill and self-restraint on the part of nations to make any league that would really promote and strengthen and make more secure the peace of the world.

"In January, 1917, the President of the United States brought forward a plan for a league to enforce peace in an address to the Senate, and I discussed it at some length, showing the dangers of the proposition, and the perils which it would bring, not only to peace, but to the United States.

His Position Was Roosevelt's

“During all this time, I may say, I was in consultation or I was talking with Theodore Roosevelt in regard to it. His position and mine did not then differ.

"On Dec. 21 I made a speech in the Senate in which I discussed the fourteen points and some of the momentous questions raised by the proposition for a League of Nations. Colonel Roosevelt wrote an article in the Kansas City Star upon that speech, approving it and commending it. I will read a single paragraph from it:

"Our need is not as great as that of the vast scattered British Empire, for our domains are pretty much in a ring fence. We ought not to undertake the task of policing Europe, Asia and Northern Africa; neither ought we to permit any interference with the Monroe Doctrine, or any attempt by Europe or Asia to police America. Mexico is our Balkan Peninsula. Some day we I will have to deal with it. All the coasts and islands which in any way approach the Panama Canal must be dealt with by this nation, and by this nation in accordance with the Monroe Doctrine.'

"On Jan. 3 of the present year-the Friday before his deathhe dictated another editorial which appeared in The Kansas City Star after his death. I wish time would permit me to read it all, but I will read only one paragraph.

"Let each nation reserve to itself and for its own decision, and let it be clearly set forth, questions which are non-justiciable. Finally, make it perfectly clear that we do not intend to take a position of an international "Meddlesome Mattie." The American people do not wish to go into an overseas war unless for a very great cause and where the issue is absolutely plain. Therefore, we do not wish to undertake the responsibility of sending our gallant young men to die in obscure fights in the Balkans or in Central Europe or in a war we do not approve of. Moreover, the American people do not intend to give up the Monroe Doctrine.'

"Two weeks before his death I was with Theodore Roosevelt for some hours, seeing him for two mornings in succession. The draft now before the country was not then before us, but we discussed fully the League of Nations in all its bearings. We were in entire agreement. The position that I have taken, and now take, had his full approval. The line I have followed in the Senate and elsewhere was the one he wished to have followed.

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