Milukoff was the leader of the Cadet Party, which we would call Conservative Democrats. Kerensky was the leader of the Socialists. Milukoff had made public the text of a treaty by which Englard, France, and Italy had agreed that, in the peace terms, Constantinople and the Dardanelles should go to Russia. Kerensky took issue with Milukoff regarding this treaty and argued that Russia did not wish to observe such treaties and that the Dardanelles should be free to all nations. Milukoff took the opposite stand, and, in the end, he resigned and Terestchenko became Minister of Foreign Affairs. Two weeks later I heard that Gutchkoff had resigned as Minister of War, and I tried to find him in order to inform him that in my opinion he was doing a cowardly thing in leaving his post at that time.

But I failed to find Gutchkoff, and the next day Kerensky was named Minister of War, and one of his first acts was the mistaken order that abolished capital punishment, which order almost completed the demoralization of the Russian Armies.

July 3 and 4, 1917, came, and then occurred the first attempt of the Bolsheviki to overthrow the Provisional Government.

Then it was that Kerensky made his great mistake, which was his failure to arrest and imprison Trotzky and Lenine, and promptly put them on trial for treason. Lenine, who is the brains of this group, is a fanatic and is the most intelligent man in his crowd. Trotzky is not so able as Lenine but he is a great orator. He is not so sincere as Lenine, and, in my opinion, is just an adventurer. He probably has greater executive ability than Lenine.

BOLSHEVISTS IN POWER

At any rate they were not arrested and they went into hiding and did not reappear until Nov. 7, 1917. A Bolshevist outbreak, which had been promised for Nov. 2, did not materialize. I was in the Foreign Office on Nov. 7 and I asked Terestchenko to whom the soldiers I saw outside adhered. He replied that they were the soldiers of the Provisional Government. We talked of the revolt scheduled for that day, and I asked him if he thought the Provisional Government could suppress it. He answered in the affirmative and I said that if that was true I hoped the revolt would come off on scheduled time. What really happened is history now.

So the Bolsheviki came into power and I want to say that there is as much difference between that Government and the Provisional Government as there was between the Provisional Government and that of the Czar.

When asked whether the Provisional Government had tried as vigorously as it could to be loyal to the cause of the Allies, Mr. Francis answered as follows:

I think it did. I remember that on one occasion the Ambassadors of Great Britain, France, and Italy called on Kerensky and told him that they did not think he was prosecuting the war with enough vigor. Kerensky called on me and thanked me for not being of the party. However, whatever Kerensky may have thought, the fact remains that the Bolsheviki were steadily undermining his Government, and they (the Bolsheviki) were assisted by the monarchists of Russia. These monarchists were against the Provisional Government, and thought that if the Bolsheviki came in their stay would be limited and the old régime would be restored. These men of the old Russian Provisional Government, I want to say in the record, were patriots and loyal to the best interests of their country. Gentlemen, in discussing Russia you must keep in mind that 90 per cent. of the Russians are uneducated and the other 10 per cent. are overeducated.

LENINE A GERMAN AGENT

And now at this point I wish to state that I believe that Lenine was a German agent from the very beginning. Germany would never have permitted him to return to Russia, through German territory, had the case been otherwise.

Lenine came out of Germany into Russia liberally supplied with money which he distributed liberally where it would, in his opinion, do the best work. He was a German agent, in my opinion, although while acting as such he was also working to foment a worldwide social revolution. He would have taken American or British money just as willingly as he did German money. Lenine has stated that he is trying an experiment on the Russian people.

Some months ago, when the power of Lenine and Trotzky showed signs of tottering, the reign of terror was instituted by the Bolsheviki, and that reign of terror now prevails throughout Russia.

Mr. Francis then told of the signing of the Brest-Litovsk treaty, the utter collapse of Russia's armies and the removal of the allied diplomatic missions to Vologda. Senator Nelson asked about the Constituent Assembly called by the Kerensky Government. Mr. Francis rereplied:

The day before it was to meet, all the Cadet members were arrested as counterrevolutionists. Then Trotzky and Lenine

announced that those not arrested would not be permitted to assemble and postponed the meeting until the latter part of January, 1918. Trotzky and Lenine further announced that the assembly would not be permitted to meet if it had less than 400 members. The number that assembled was 423, and of these, only 140 were Bolsheviki. When the assembly met, soldiers, that is, Red Guards, were on the inside and outside. Late in the night drunken Kronstadt sailors entered and ordered the members of the assembly to leave. The guards were in the aisles and at the doors, and they left. The next morning, when the delegates appeared, the building had been seized by the Bolsheviki, the doors were closed, and so came to an end the first and only elected Constituent Assembly Russia has known since the abdication of the Czar.

Responding to a question as to whether there had been any effort on the part of the Bolsheviki to call a general election for an assemby since that time, Mr. Francis replied in the negative. He continued:

A basic principle of the Bolshevist Government is that no man or woman-they have woman suffrage in Russia-can vote who employs another human being. You can see what that means in an election, provided one is held. There has been no election of any kind since that first Censtituent Assembly, and this despite the fact that, in my opinion, Lenine and Trotzky do not represent more than 10 per cent. of the 180,000,000 people of Russia.

Lenine and Trotzky are in power as usurpers. I have stated that, in my opinion, Lenine is a German agent, and subsequent events confirmed this opinion.

Lenine, added Mr. Francis, was, in his belief, provided with funds by Germany. Regarding the land decrees, he said that after the Brest-Litovsk treaty the army went home with a promise of land, bread, and peace. Then came the division of

the land.

English and the word "execute " was used as quoted. The telegram further stated that the Bolsheviki did not consider that we were safe in Vologda. I replied, declining the invitation and explaining that we felt quite safe where we were. I had hoped to save myself from a visit of this fellow Radek, who is the same Radek who is now propagandizing Germany.

However, Radek appeared the following morning. There was a meeting of the Ambassadors in progress at my quarters when he arrived. I suggested that all of us meet him, but I was the dean and they voted that, because of my seniority, the honor should be mine, and so it was. I met Radek in my reception room and talked with him for an hour. Radek when he came was accompanied by a person named Arthur Ransome, a correspondent for The London Daily News, some of whose articles, I understand, have also appeared in The New York Times. My secretary, Mr. Johnston, was with me.

When Radek stated his mission I informed him that we had decided to decline the invitation to go to Moscow. Then Radek replied that he would place guards around the embassy buildings and would permit no one to enter or leave without passports issued by the Soviet. I replied that this evidently meant that we were to be made prisoners. He answered that the chiefs of the embassies might go in and out of the buildings, but no others.

The Red Guards came the next day. They were a hungry lot, and we decided to feed them, and the result was that they became very accommodating.

On July 23 I received another message from the Bolshevist Foreign Office. Again we invite you to come to MosCow. Vologda is unsafe," it read.

I took the message to my colleagues and we considered it. I began to fear that it was the intention of Lenine and Trotzky to hold us as hostages. After the conference I wired to the Bolsheviki that we had decided to take their advice and quit Vologda.

THE ARCHANGEL EPISODE After some delays the Ambassadors and their parties got a train and proceeded to Archangel. Mr. Francis continued:

At this time the anti-Bolshevist revolt was gathering strength in Archangel. We knew it, and so did Moscow. The Bolsheviki had been killing people for several days. At 4 A. M. July 29 we were on the boat and cleared for Kandalaksha. At Murmansk was General Poole of the British Army with a force of British

troops. On our way to Kandalaksha we were informed that General Poole with 2,000 men had cleared that morning for Archangel. Kandalaksha was already in the hands of the anti-Bolsheviki, and on arriving there we received a message demanding to know who we were. We wirelessed back, "Who are you? " and the reply came, The Provisional Government of Northern Russia."

On Aug. 9 we returned to Archangel. In the meantime the British and French representatives had gone to Murmansk, where they got in communication with the allied Governments. I remained in Archangel until Nov. 6.

Asked if the Government of Northern Russia had invited the Allies to come to its assistance, Mr. Francis replied:

was Socialist,

That is the exact truth. I note that you had before you yesterday Mr. Martiushin. He was the Minister of Finance in the Northern Government. I also note that he referred to some trouble with the military authorities. The trouble he had in mind was the kidnapping of the Government, and I rescued it, as he also told you. That Government and it is the choice of three-fourths of the people in that part of Russia which we call the allied zone. The American troops arrived at Archangel Sept. 4 and the kidnapping occurred the following night. It had evidently been timed so as to create the impression that the act had the sanction of the American Ambassador, and I soon gave them to understand that I did not sanction it at all and would, under no circumstances, approve it. I was very emphatic. * * * The trouble was settled to everybody's satisfaction and the Government came back and is there yet.

When Mr. Francis decided to go to England for an operation the impression was created that the troops would go, too, and the result was a panic in Archangel. He added: "The people knew that if the troops left there could be little doubt as to their fate."

Mr. Francis confirmed a previous statement that he himself and the other Ambassadors looked upon Trotzky and Lenine as usurpers. He said:

I did not think then, and I do not think now, that they represent more than 10 per cent of the Russian people. They are holding the people in submission with terror enforced by the Red Guard. This Red Army is composed in part of Chinamen and Letts and Russians, the latter forced into the service, their wives and children held as hostages to guarantee their loyal service to the Bolsheviki. They pay the soldiers, I am informed,

I

When I left Petrograd Robins went with me to Vologda and stayed there two days, and then went on to Moscow, where he remained until May 14 last. should state that the relations between Colonel Robins and myself were pleasant, but we did not agree. On one occasion I remember that Robins asked me if I had recommended the recognition of the Bolsheviki. I replied, "I have not, I told him that I and you know it." would not recognize them, and that if the Government ordered me to do so I would comply and resign.

Gentlemen, the Bolsheviki do not merit recognition. They don't even merit recognition to the extent of entering into business relations with them. They have instituted a reign of terror. They are killing everybody who a white collar. Several provinces have gone so far as to nationalize their women. Asked if he knew this absolutely, Mr. Francis replied:

wears

I get my information from the official papers of the Bolsheviki. The Central Soviet has not issued a nationalization of women decree. It has been done by Provincial Governments. But the Central Government has issued a decree making marriage and divorce so easy that a mere notice to that effect is sufficient. There is not even a limit of time as to the duration of marriage.

Questioned as to whether Colonel Robins had ever said that he wanted the Bolsheviki recognized, Mr. Francis answered:

In this way. He thought that if it was done they would present an organized opposition to the enemy. But I always believed that Lenine and Trotzky were German agents. There never was a time when I would have trusted them. Then take Zinovieff, the head of the Soviet of Petrograd. At the All-Russian Soviet which ratified the Treaty of BrestLitovsk he heard President Wilson's message to the delegates read, and when

even

this

All papers opposed to the Bolsheviki have been suppressed. Any paper that publishes a criticism of the Bolsheviki is immediately suppressed.

Regarding the present status of German organizations in Russia, Mr. Francis said:

I think German control of industry has been greater since the beginning of the war than was the case before the war. The German influence is in every line of human endeavor in Russia. I understand the Germans petitioned for postponement of the nationalization of banks in order that they would have an opportunity to buy up a great amount of the stock in those banks.

Mr. Francis then told of Bolshevist and anarchist threats against the Amer

ican Embassy and said that they seemed to hold him personally responsible for Emma Goldman, Berkman, and Mooney, who had been convicted of crime in America. He said that after the revolution in March, 1917, there was an influx of people from this country into Russia, especially from the east side of New York and the congested centres of other cities, at first in very great numbers. Some were Gentiles and others were Jews. On one occasion as many as 800 arrived. Mr. Francis cabled the State Department to stop it. Most of them, he said, preached against the United States. They were constant agitators.

Asked if there was a movement put on foot to have him superseded as Ambassador by Thompson or Robins, Mr. Francis replied as follows:

Colonel Robins, I heard, quoted as was being the mouthpiece of America. I had told him he could continue to visit the Bolsheviki. He was recalled May 10, and I saw him in Vologda for a few minutes on his way out. was informed that he told The AssociatAt that time I ed Press correspondent, a Groves, that if he could get one hour man named with President Wilson he could persuade the President to recognize Lenine and Trotzky. He said, according to my informants, "I have the goods on person." It developed afterward that he my had, I think, a communication from the Bolshevist Government to our Government, but I cannot learn that he ever delivered it. I heard so much about Robins's statements in Moscow that I issued a statement that no statements official unless they emanated from me. were I have been consistent and persistent in my attitude of non-recognition. They are against all government. crees call for the disruption of family Their delife. Their policies are such as will lead us back into barbarism.

Reminded that Colonel Robins had said that the Germans did not inspire the Bolshevi t interference with the departure of the Francis rejoined:

Czechoslovaks,

Mr.

I

I am certain that he is mistaken. am sure the Germans did inspire it. Bolsheviki were guilty of treachery in The their dealings with those brave men.

Mr. Francis ended with the statement that there could be no real peace in Europe with the Bolsheviki in control of Russia.

'T was Nov. 22, 1918. The early morning was haze and shining mist. The

soaring spirit of Strasbourg-Strasbourg's cathedral spire, marking for miles where lies the city, showed dim and lean and dark. The futtering glory of France's Tricolor, ultimate token, flung from the spire's furthest reach, was but visible-slowly, radiantly, the hour grew golden. Sun broke through the mist, painted the high flag, shot light into a city that waited her magnificent moment. He who loves symbolism could find it abundantly here. Light out of shadow. Morning and sun after night.

Strasbourg was waiting-waiting for the French!

There is but one splendor in war. Out of all the reek and sweat and blood and horror and hell of it there is but one surpassing, tragically beautiful instant. The instant of triumph. Strasbourg awaited the entry of the French. And the French awaited-what did they not await! Struggle ended, victory accomplished, sacrifice consecrated, they awaited fulfillment. After fifty bitter years the French were coming back, the conquerors, to their own, to Alsace.

At 9:30, over all the rush and surge and shout of innumerable masses, there rang a high, clear, brazen fanfare. Trumpets at the gate of entry! They're here! The French!

Down the dense expectant lanes of people gone mad with enthusiasm, with joy, with hope come true, they rode, the French, in the fine panoply of victory. Gouraud, the beloved General Gouraud five times wounded, his right arm gone, at their head; Gouraud who became a soldier in his youth because of an Alsace and Lorraine lost; Gouraud who is a beautiful, tattered, consecrated, victori

ous, worshipped battle-flag of France, Behind him his soldiers-his, enfants, he calls them-his Moroccans, his poilus, his rugged old territorials. Faded khaki, faded blue, stained with war and beautiful with triumph. Heads high, eyes shining through tears, faces gentle and kind and childlike. The famous soldiers of France.

PEOPLE'S DEEP EMOTION

Regiment on regiment they come on with the rattle and rumble of artillery, with the almost unbearable crash and cry and flaunt of martial music-" Sambre et Meuse," and over their heads the hum and whir of the airplanes. The human hedges brilliant with banners broke at sight of them. The men and women and children who but a day or two ago had seen with unspeakable relief the sullen, shamed lines of Germans defile through these very streets to cross, God grant forever, their cherished Rhine, threw themselves upon their liberators; arm in arm girls marched on deliriously with the troopers; old women kissed their hands, their cheeks; men with sobs in their throats threw their arms about them as might fathers embrace sons come home. Strasbourg was abloom with flung flowers; the bright morning was a wonderful wind-tossed flag; the world a sudden heart-breaking glory.

The French had come !

No man can write of scenes like these. Words fall idle and empty from the pen. This is a beautiful thing for us who have looked on war to look on triumph. It is a beautiful thing to be a sharer, ever so humbly, in moments such as these. But for us who are not French the soul of the glory must be imagined rather than touched. Even the French themselves falter over descriptions.