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M. VENIZELOS—Eleutherios Greek Prime Minister, first acquired fame as leader in the Cretan insurrection of 1897. He showed great abili t y in negotiations with the European powers, and became undisputed leader of the Cretans before consenting to enter Greek political life. Although a convinced republican, he saved the dynasty and the

country during the crisis of 1909, carried through a revision of the Constitution, and prepared the Balkan Alliance of 1912. He co-operated loyally with the late King George of Greece, but was exposed to the various intrigues of his son. King Constantine, who took umbrage at his popularity. From the outset of the war he was convinced that Greece must join the Allies, and, although a first offer of military assistance had been rejected, he prepared steadily for intervention. Thwarted by the intrigues of King Constantine and of German agents, he broke with the King and set up a Provisional Revolutionary Government at Saloniki. Ultimately he returned triumphantly to Athens as head of the National Government after the abdication of King Constantine and the accession of King Alexander. He contributed notably to the success of the Saloniki Army by the reorganization of the Hellenic forces. His present aim is the union of all Greeks in one State, and especially the liberation of Greek Asia Minor and of the Aegean Islands from alien rule.

M. rOLITIS, Greek Foreign Minister, is a close friend and collaborator of Venizelos, with whom he has been associated through all the recent vicissitudes of that statesman's career. He helped in the formation of the Provisional Government at Saloniki, and returned with M. "Venizelos to Athens. An eloquent speaker, he is an ardent advocate of the policy of Hellenic national reunion.


PRINCE FEISAi, is the third son of the Sherif of Mecca, who has become the head of the new Arab Kingdom of Hedjaz. Prince Feisal led the Arab Army which co-operated with General Allenby in wresting Palestine and Syria from the Turks. Prince Feisal has been active in presenting the territorial claims of the new kingdom at the Peace Conference.


ROMAN DMOWSKI, for many years a leader of the Russian Poles and a Conservative in politics, was a member of the First Duma and author of a well-known work on the Polish question. He came to Western Europe as unofficial representative of the Russian Poles in the early part of the war, and subsequently helped to form the Polish National Committee, of which he has been the President. For this body he obtained recognition from the allied Governments as the official representative of Polish interests, and he has now been appointed delegate to the Peace Conference by the Coalition Government in Warsaw.


EGAS MONIZ, Portuguese Minister for Foreign Affairs, will be chief of the Portuguese delegation. He is a doctor of the Medical Faculty, Lisbon. A great friend of Sidonio Paes, the late President, he entered political life at an early age, and was frequently offered portfolios in different Governments, but only accepted the portfolio of Foreign Affairs five months ago at the urgent insistence of his friend Paes. He had previously represented Portugal at Madrid.


M. BRATIANO—Jean Bratlano is Rumanian Prime Minister and head of the Liberal Party. He is the son of the famous Rumanian statesman who brought about the constitution of the united Rumanian ^L I Principality and ln

y4;:. vlted Prince Charles

^L AV^^ ot Hohenzollern-Sig-
^U maringen to accept the

^ytjj Rumanian throne in

1866. He was from the beginning of the war a convinced supporter of the Allies, preserved a prudently friendly attitude toward them during the period of neutrality, concluded with them the treaty on the basis of which Rumanonia declared war in the Summer of 1016, and organized Rumanian resistance to the Austro-German invasion. Hi3 conduct after Rumania hsd been compelled to sign the Treaty of Bucharest was extremely courageous.

NICHOLAS MISTT is the most distinguished living Rumanian diplomatist. By origin a Macedonian Humane, he adopted Rumanian citizenship and represented his country for many yea.-£ in Balkan capitals. He gained distinction as Minister at Sofia, Vienna, and London, where he carried on with the British Government the negotiations relating to Rumanian participation in the war. He returned to Rumania by special request to defend his country's interests when the conelusion of peaco became Inevitable. He has a remarkable knowledge of European and Balkan languages. It was decided that the Supreme Council of War should meet in the afternoon to hear from the Marshal's own lips the story of the negotiations at Treves. The conditions under which the treaty was signed, and the German protest, were given in the preceding issue of this magazine.


NIKOLA FASHITCH — Nikola Pashitch, founder and leader of the Serbian Radical Party, has played a prominent part in Serbian internal politics, and was Prime Minister almost uninterruptedly from 190!) until his recent resignation. He conducted Serbian resistance to the Austro-Hungarlan tariff war of lOOn, directed Serbian affairs during the Bosnian annexation crisis of 190S-9, prepared on behalf of Serbia the Balkan Alliance of 1912, r.nd was responsible head of Serbian affairs during the whole of the war. His personal conception of the future of Serbia was that she should form a " Greater Serbia" by the annexation of the Serbs of Austria-Hungary and of Montenegro rather than that all the Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes outside Serbia should Join her in forming a united Southern Slav State.

ANTE TRUMBITCH, Foreign Minister of the new Serb-Croat-Slovene kingdom. Is a native of Spalato, in Dalmatia, and was for many years Mayor of the city. A prominent member of the Dalmatian bar, he became


President of the Dalmatian Provincial Diet and a Dalmatian Deputy to the Austrian Reichsrat. He was one of the authors of the Fiume revolution of 190.r>, which first united the Croats and Serbs of Austria-Hungary. On tile eve of war he succeeded in escaping from Austria and formed with Supllo and other leading Southern Slavs the Southern Slav Committee, of which he was chosen President In that capacity he concluded with Serbia in July, 1917, the Declaration of Corfu, which was the preliminary charter of Southern Slav unity under the Karageorgevlc dynasty. He concluded also in March, 1918, with the Italian Deputy, Dr. Torre, on behalf of a comprehensive Italian Parliamentary Committee, the Italo-Southern Slav agreement, which was ratified by the Rome Congress and approved by Signor Orlando In April, 1918. Upon the formation of the new united Southern Slav kingdom he was appointed Foreign Minister. DR. VESNITCH—Dr. Vesnitch Is SerbCroat-Slovene Minister in Paris, where he formerly represented Serbia for many years. He was a supporter and friend of M. Pashitch, and was Intrusted with a special Serbian mission to the United States after the American declaration of war.

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Conference Delegates

The relative positions of the various delegates around the peace table at the opening session of the Paris Conference, Jan. 18, 1919, is indicated by the figures in the accompanying diagram. M. Poincare, President of the French Republic, presided at this session and occupied the seat later filled by M. Clemenceau at the head of the horseshoe table. A few changes were made at later meetings, but the relative positions of the delegations remained the same throughout the life of the conference in the Quai d'Orsay Building:

OP rriTRy


1. M. Polncarfi, President of the French

United States.

2. Pres. Wilson.

3. Lansing.

4. White.

5. Col. House.

6. Gen. Bliss. Great Britain.

7. Lloyd George.

8. Balfour.

9. Bonnr Law.

10. Barnes.

11. Lloyd.

12. Clemenceau.

13. Pichon.

14. Marshal Foch.

15. Klotz.

16. Tardieu.

17. Cambon.


18. Sonnlno.

19. Salvago Raggi.

20. Orlando.

21. Salandra.

22. Barzilai.


23. Hymans.

24. "Van den Heuvel.

25. Vandervelde.


26. Pessoa.

27. Magalhaes.

28. Calogcras.


29. Martinez.


SO. Politig.
31. Venizelos.

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44. Hughes.
45 Cook.
South Africa.
40. Gen. Botha.

47. Gen. Smuts.
New Zealand.


British India.

49. Maharaja Ganga


50. Lord Sinha. Japan.

51. Marquis Kin

mochi Saionji.

52. Baron Makino.

53. Viscount Chlnda.

54. Matsui.

55. IJuin. Bolivia.

56. Montes. China.

57. Chengling

Thomas Wang.

58. Lou Tseng



59. De Alsua, Guatemala.



61. Rustem Haldar.

62. Emir Faisal.



Panama. 64.



66. Dmowskl. Bumania.

67. Misu.

68. Bratiano.

The New Armistice Settlement

Ships in Exchange for Food

nnHE complete text of the Armistice J_ Convention signed at Treves on Feb. 16, 1919, prolonging the armistice for an indefinite period and revokable at a notice of seventy-two hours, is given in English translation below:

The undersigned plenipotentiaries, Admiral Wemyss being replaced by Admiral Browning, General von Winterfeld being replaced by General von Hammerstein, and the Plenipotentiary Minister Count von Oberndorf by Plenipotentiary Minister von Haniel, invested with powers in virtue of which the Armistice Convention of Nov. 11, 1918, was signed, have ratified the following supplementary convention:

1. The Germans must cease at once all offensive operations against the Poles in the region of Posen and in all other regions. To this end, they are prohibited from crossing with their troops the line of the old frontier of Eastern Prussia and Western Prussia with Russia as far as Luisenfeld, and from that point the following line: West from Luisenfeld, west from Gross-Neudorff, south of Brzoze, north of Schubin, north of Exin, south of Samoczin, south of Chodzienzin, north of Czarnikof, west of Mialla, west of Birnbaum, west or Bentschen, west of Voilstein. north of Lissa, north of Rawicz, south of Krotoszin, west of Adelnau. west of Schildberg, north of Vierruchow. then the frontier of Silesia.

2. The armistice of Nov. 11, prolonged by the conventions of Dec. 13, 1918, and Jan. 16, 1919, to Feb. 17, 1919, Is again extended for a short period, date of termination not specified, which period the allied and associated powers reserve the right to terminate within three days' notice.

3. The execution of the clauses of the convention of Nov. 11, 1918, and of the additional conventions of Dec. 13, 1918, and Jan. 16, 1919, imperfectly fulfilled, will be continued and completed during the extension period of the armistice, subject to the conditions of detail fixed by the permanent Armistice Commission, according to the instructions of the Allied High Command.

Treves, Feb. 16, 1919.


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IN THE GERMAN ASSEMBLY The Weimar correspondent of The Associated Press, telegraphing Feb. 17, said:

The party speeches In the National Assomly which had been set down for this afternoon suffered a rude Interruption through the outcome of the new armistice negotiations. The general outlines of the new terms were known early today, and it was no surprise when President Fehrenbach announced that the speeches and arguments would be deferred, so that Mathlas Brzberger, head of the German armistice delegation, might give a personal explanation of what had happened between his departure for Treves last week and his unexpectedly early return today.

Herr Erzberger, noticeably wrought up and laboring under a strain, began with the announcement that the delegates were entitled to know at the earliest moment the full details of the negotiations. He then read the terms, and the House listened in almost agonized silence. The slightest stir of noise brought angry hisses. The Assembly had never been one tithe so still.

The Minister read the items, and the members of the House stirred uneasily as he finished them and paused for breath. Before beginning his explanation Herr Erzberger exclaimed:

"It Is my wish that you may never have the fateful hours I have had. We on the Armistice Commission have had to bear untold responsibility."

He then referred to the unfortunate well-nigh fatal delay in the arrival of the terms at Weimar, and went into the details of Marshal Foch's ultimatum, which, he said, he was assured was framed with the unqualified approval of President Wilson.


He told of his efforts to obtain modifications, but said that Marshal Foch had been sternly insistent on the acceptance of the terms. He touched only briefly, but clearly, on his successful protests against the incorporation of Silesia in Polish territory and his unsuccessful efforts to save Birnbaum. Bentschen, and other German towns. He emphasized the promise that the Allies would take over the responsibility of keeping the Poles In check and

give guarantees for the safety of the Germans on the Polish side of the new frontier.

To Herr Erzberger's protests Marshal Foch replied that all the terms were purely military measures and in accordance with President Wilson's "fourteen points."

The German spokesman protested likewise against the indeterminate extension of the armistice, but Marshal Foch brusquely declined to make any alteration, and insisted upon the inclusion of a clause giving him power to promulgate any order to Germany at will.

Herr Erzberger then asked whether the short indeterminate continuation of the armistice might lead to an early peace, to which Marshal Foch replied: "I think so; I assume so."

The Minister said the difficulties had been greater because the negotiations had become more acute recently, and a long discussion demonstrated that nothing more would be changed. Her Erzberger assured the Assembly:

"I have confidence that Marshal Foch's given word will be kept."

He said he had achieved almost no results in his efforts to have German prisoners released, beyond a promise by France and England to send back 2,000 badly wounded men each. He then read the German note which he had presented to Marshal Foch when the armistice terms were signed. He had had a sad mission, he said, with few happy results.

V The world knows," he concluded, "that we do not want a new war and cannot conduct one. The world will condemn the Entente for Its severity."


Mathias Erzberger of the German Armistice Commission again held the centre of the stage on Feb. 18, before the National Assembly, outlining the entire history of the armistice negotiations. His statement was in reply to a bitter personal attack made upon him by the first speaker to be heard under the rule giving time for an interpellation regarding the recently renewed armistice— Herr Vogler, a delegate of the German People's Party.

The House was in an uproar for the better part of an hour, first in protest against Herr Vogler's attack and then in enthusiastic support of Dr. Erzberger as he defended himself and denounced his assailant.

Dr. Erzberger told the House many things about the armistice which were either unknown to or had only been suspected by his hearers. One of these was his unqualified statement that it was Prince Maximilian of Baden who had approached the Entente because of the "iron compulsion" of the high military command for peace. He said it was Field Marshal von Hindenburg who demanded and authorized the signing of the first terms.

On the evening of Nov. 10, Dr. Erzberger continued, he received a wireless from the German High Command asking for concessions on nine points, but also containing the phrase, now made public for the first time, that, "even if you do not succeed in obtaining concessions on these points, you must sign the armistice."

Dr. Erzberger said that he took the responsibility for recalling Hugo Stinnes from Treves, whither he went as an expert in regard to the handing over of agricultural machinery. Dr. Erzberger added:

I could not present to our adversaries as an expert a man who, like him, had taken such large part in the exploitation of Belglum, and who was the principal author of the deportation of the unemployed from Belgium, an Incident which has created such a deplorable Impression.

Philipp Scheidemann, the Socialist leader, said the Government did not consider itself in a position to decline responsibility for signing the armistice conditions, painful as they were. He strongly criticised the attitude of the members of the Right.

In this he was supported by Herr Erzberger, who exclaimed:

Tou have no right to complain. You yourselves are guilty. You led the German people to disaster. What would have become of us had we refused to sign the terms? Clemenceau would have triumphed and Wilson's fourteen points would have been put aside.

At the close of the session Dr. David, Minister without portfolio, said that the most deplorable fact was that the interpellation under discussion emanated from those responsible for the country's misfortunes, and might create the impression abroad that these men still exercised a determining influence.

Meanwhile the Peace Conference at

Paris was discussing the severe military terms to be applied to Germany, including a sweeping reduction in the size of Germany's standing army; reports of these discussions, reaching Germany, increased public indignation there against the Allies and against Erzberger. At the same time the Allies notified Germany that she must execute the conditions of Article VIII. of the supplementary armistice signed at Treves on Jan. 16, which stipulated that in order to insure the provisioning of Germany and the remainder of Europe Germany must place her merchant fleet under the control of the allied and associated powers for the period of the armistice. The German delegates raised a strong opposition to this demand when it was formulated in detail, holding that the share of food offered to Germany under it was insufficient They threatened to withdraw in a body and let the Allies enter Germany and take over the whole responsibility of keeping peace in the conquered country. Finally the negotiations at Spa broke down entirely on this issue, March 6, and the allied delegates returned to Paris to lay the situation before the Supreme Council.

According to the information available at the time, France had demanded that Germany should surrender her ships and make other concessions in return for a promise of supplies for a few weeks, leaving it uncertain whether additional food would be forthcoming in the remaining months before the harvest. When the other allied Commissioners had somewhat reluctantly presented these terms the Germans had refused to give up their ships under any such uncertain arrangement. Considerable indignation was felt by the Allies over the failure of the Spa conference, which was ascribed to the severity of the French attitude.

The situation, however, was remedied on March 8 by the Council of Ten, when France yielded and M. Loucheur offered a proposal for financing the food transaction which was acceptable to England, America, and Italy. The yielding of France yielded and M. Loucheur offered many followed Italy's similar concession in regard to feeding Austria, and from

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