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nothing to do with the sums which, according to his former announcements, he had given for the purchase of arms. have applied the money to the purpose for which it was intended-that is to say, the spreading of the idea of the revolution, and I only regret that circumstances have made it impossible for me to use up the entire sum. I hope that the time will soon come when I can give an account of my actions to the Russian comrades.

In this connection, as revealing the extent to which the late Dr. Karl Liebknecht had been subject to Bolshevist influence, Germania quoted from a speech delivered by M. Bucharin before an AllRussian Congress of workingwomen in Petrograd. M. Bucharin was reported to have said:

Liebknecht and his Bolshevist Spartacus group had adopted our Bolshevist tactics and went hand in hand with us. I shall never forget the moment when Liebknecht came to us in the Russian Embassy building. The Government, in order to clip Liebknecht's wings and to handicap his constant activity in the factories, &c., had resorted to a stratagem and invited him to enter the Executive Council. Liebknecht came to us in a state of fearful excitement and asked us what he should do. We jointly agreed that Liebknecht should only enter the Government if the latter were to represent the demands made by us: Breaking up of the Reichstag and terrorism against the bourgeoisie and the officers if they were to rise against us. GENERAL HOFFMANN'S CONFESSION

Further evidence of Bolshevist influence in the revolution was afforded by General Hoffmann, former Chief of Staff of Germany's eastern armies and signer of the Brest-Litovsk treaty, in a remarkable interview granted to a correspondent of The Chicago Daily News on March 14. "Germany was not beaten on the western front," asserted General Hoffmann. "Neither Marshal Foch nor Field Marshal Haig nor General Pershing defeated the German armies. Germany was defeated by an upstart named Lenine." General Hoffmann continued:

You ask me what I consider lost the war for Germany. My answer is Bolshevism. I will tell you the exact moment that marked the beginning of the end. It was when General Ludendorff telephoned me at the headquarters on the eastern front from France to sign peaceany peace-with any Russian able write his name. "The Americans are

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need every corps we have on the western front. Make peace with Russia and release our armies there at once."

After blaming von Moltke in the west and von Falkenhayn in the east for having sent Germany to the scrap-heap of nations, the General continued:

You are wrong when you say that Germany played with Bolshevism. Bolshevism played with Germany. * The Russian revolution killed our hopes; it didn't make them. To have defeated the armies of the Czar would have been the defeat of Russia. Making peace with Bolshevist Russia, however, was suicide, though we didn't know it at the time.

The original Brest-Litovsk peace was not made with the Bolsheviki, but with the Ukrainians. When the Bolsheviki overran the Ukraine we sought to deal with them. This was after we had tried unsuccessfully to deal with Kerensky. The Allies had Kerensky, and our money could not buy him. He refused to make peace.

Immediately upon signing with the Bolsheviki we discovered that we had been conquered by them instead of having conquered them. Our victorious army became rotten with Bolshevism. Our military machine became the printing press of Bolshevist propaganda. We did not dare to send a corps of the German Bolsheviki to the western front. What is worse, thousands of Bolsheviki entered Germany. It was Lenine and Bolshevist propaganda that defeated Germany, undermined the morale, and stirred up the quack Socialists in the country.

ATTACK ON NOSKE

In the National Assembly at Weimar on March 28 Hugo Haase, the Independent Socialist leader, made a violent attack upon Gustav Noske, Minister of War, for his methods in suppressing the recent strikes and the summary execution of Spartacan rebels. He contended that the Minister's course was a return to imperialism, further evidenced by the Chancellor's indifference to Sunday's demonstration in Berlin in favor of General Ludendorff. Herr Noske, in reply, charged the Independents with being the originators of Spartacan machinations and promised to place all the facts before the Assembly.

The Committee on the German Constitution agreed that the National Council, or Senate, should be composed of one member for each 1,000,000 of population.

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On the same date the Diet passed bills abolishing the nobility of Bavaria and prohibiting rights of inheritance. Zurich message of the 24th stated that the Bavarian Minister of Foreign Affairs had notified the German Government that Bavaria would disarm her soldiers and henceforth would not furnish troops for the empire. A demand was made by the Independent Socialists that the Government melt all statues of former royalties and statesmen, including that of Bismarck, and that the material be given to industry; also that the national flags be converted into clothes for children. The Independent Socialists, who favored an alliance with Russia, refused to share in the Bavarian Government except on terms that made the participation of the Democrats and Centrists impossible.

UNEMPLOYED IN BERLIN

As evidence of the increasing lack of employment the Berlin City Council voted an appropriation of 160,000,000 marks for public improvements to ameliorate conditions; the city was expending 1,000,000 marks a day to assist those out of work. A clerical force of 2,300, with a weekly payroll of 100,000 marks,

was engaged in keeping track of the army of unemployed. At the same time the passion for gambling grew; roulette wheels were set up in the open streets in certain sections of the city. A correspondent added that "the gambling was not always with cash, stolen valuables of various kinds being put up as stakes." The fashionable west end clubs were patronized by a strange mixture of wealthy and poor. Regarding the present condition of the imperial capital as contrasted with its former model order, a writer in the Berliner Lokal-Anzeiger said:

Berlin, the capital of the empire, becomes more degraded every day. Formerly a model of order and cleanliness, it is now slovenly and dirty. Some of the best streets now recall nothing but the slums of a Polish manufacturing town. Hawkers have taken possession and have made a pigsty of our great and beautiful city. From early morning to late night all kinds of rubbish are exposed on booths or offered by peddlers. The booty of thieves and the stocks of receivers of stolen goods are shamelessly offered.

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Importunate beggars throng the trances to the underground stations, and vendors of indecent leaflets and picture post cards corrupt youth with their poisonous wares. Nobody cares, and the police do not interfere. Under cover of freedom of the press any kind of printed matter is allowed circulation. One of the worst features is that most of the hawkers are in uniform, although it is evident that they have never seen military service.

Returns of the municipal elections in Berlin showed that the Independent Socialists had made a substantial gain over the regular Social Democratic Party since the national elections of Jan. 19. The Independent gain was attributed to the "iron hand" of the Majority Socialist Government in the Spartacan revolt. The complete vote ran: Independents, 234,067, against 229,827 for the Majority Socialists, 105,281 for the Democrats, 96,963 for the Junker German National People's Party, 40,087 for the Semi-Conservative German People's Party, and 32,808 for the Catholic Christian People's Party. The total vote was about 25 per cent. less than that cast in the elections for the State and National Assemblies. The new Board of Aldermen was com

posed of 47 Social Democrats, 47 Independents, 20 Democrats, 14 Nationalists, 9 Semi-Conservatives, and 7 Clericals.

THE THREATENED STORM

Strikes and rumors of strikes, revolution and rumors of revolution surcharged the news from Germany. Hunger, unemployment, delay in making peace, Communist propaganda backed with Bolshevist funds, the despair of the German people due to the breakdown of their national discipline, and visionary dreams of the advent of a new Messiah in Lenine-such were the spectres hovering over the throwing of dice and the spinning of roulette wheels in a last-hour reckless gamble before the threatened anarchistic débâcle. Charles H. Grasty of The New York Times, in a dispatch of April 2, gathered from American and British reports of experts, threw a new light on the forces driving the German State to the brink of ruin. He wrote:

All agree that the Bolshevist movement is formidable and growing, while the Government gets weaker. The chief lead

ers are foreigners, mostly Russians. There are two principal classes, namely, idealists and adventurers, who have everything to gain and nothing to lose by bringing about a state of anarchy. They are in close and constant communication with Russia, whence they receive enormous sums of money.

The members of the idealist group belong to the intellectual and aristocratic classes, and are more dangerous than the adventurers. They have considerable learning and eloquence, and surround themselves with a halo that appeals to the intellectual "snobism "characteristic of German mentality. To tais group belong Ehrich Muhsam, Franz Pfemfert, Karl Hirsch, Johannes Becher, Rudeger Berlet, and Dr. Lewiss. Karl Radek is a mixture of the two, with an almost religious belief in Bolshevism and a conviction that Lenine has a mission to the world.

The Spartacans are of the same breed, with the same aims, as the Russian Bolsheviki. The phrase, "the dictatorship of the proletariat." frequently occurs in the speeches and literature of both. They describe themselves as Communists. The great strength of the Spartacans lies in the fact that theirs is the only party in Germany with a definite political program. They preach and believe that communism alone will bring happiness to the world. The level of oratory at the meetings attended is higher than would be ex

pected. The general line of their argument runs about as follows:

Substitute our ideals of the communistic State, and there will be absolute equality for all. Germany is starving and impoverished, betrayed and deceived by former leaders. [This sentiment is always applauded to the echo.] She has not only been thoroughly beaten, but has earned the hatred and contempt of the rest of the world. The new Government is no better than the old. The political tyranny is the same-witness the murder of Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg. Nor does it enjoy the confidence of the Entente. If the Entente trusted Ebert it would send food and open peace negotiations. It holds off because it knows the Ebert Government cannot last. What is the use of a Government that cannot give the people food or peace?

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"The Majority Socialists have betrayed the revolution and are merely aiding capitalism. The Government must go!

Next, all military action against the Bolshevist army must cease. The Bolsheviki are bringing peace and equality, and the stories about cruelty and excesses are lies invented by the Ebert Government. Terrorism in Russia was caused, not by Bolshevism, but by troops sent there by Germany. When the Russians come we will open our arms and receive them like brothers come to free us from tyranny. Then the whole world will be aflame, and communism and peace will be established."

RESULTS OF AGITATION

Serious rioting broke out on March 31 at Frankfort-on-the-Main. Crowds attacked the police station, released prisoners, and set fire to the building. During the evening shops were looted and there was shooting in various parts of the city, but order was eventually restored. A bourgeois strike began at Stuttgart as a reply to the general strike of workers, and all industries were closed down. A Berlin message of April 2 stated that almost all the labor forces of Germany were striking or threatening to strike. This resulted from the agitation carried on by the Independent Socialists and Communists. It was noted that the intellectual extremists had dropped the term Spartacans, owing to its being associated with criminals, and elected to be known as Communists.

Dispatches of the same date reported sanguinary engagements at Kastrop, Westphalia, and 150,000 workers on strike in the Ruhr Basin. On April 3 the

Ruhr district strike was said to have extended unexpectedly to include 120,000 in the Krupp works. Also 150,000 metal workers had struck in Berlin and 56,000 were out at Dortmund. At Coblenz, German troops opposite the American bridgehead moved toward Frankfort, where a Spartacan outbreak had developed shop plundering and street fighting. The Government got the situation under control by prompt use of troops, proclamations of martial law, and similar means. The dependable troops at Minister Noske's disposal to quell a widespread revolt, however, were estimated at from 50,000 to 60,000 men in all, a number far too small to garrison all the centres of disorder simultaneously. A correspondent quoted an epigram of Count von Bernstorff, that "Nothing in Germany was certain except the uncertainty of the morrow."

SPARTACANS IN BAVARIA

In Bavaria the Bolshevist flame daily grew more menacing. Many wealthy persons had already fled from the Bavarian capital, and thousands averse to living under mob rule had decided to emigrate to South America. The latter formed the South American Emigrant League, and, following the prevailing fashion, elected an emigrant " Council" to find ways and means of reaching the promised land. An order opening large houses to the unemployed resulted in workmen's families making themselves at home in the salons and boudoirs of Munich's high society. Dr. Reurath, appointed to handle the socialization of the press, informed the Munich newspapers that they had three choices if they wished to continue operations-the adoption of syndicalism, communism, or State ownership.

On April 5 Bavaria again became the centre of revolutionary disturbance. On the previous day the Spartacans at Augsburg had demanded the removal of the Government and the establishment of unbridled communism. This action inspired the Munich Central Council to adopt measures to prevent the convocation of the Diet on the 7th, and in its place institute a communist Government. chieftain of the council declared:

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The Diet will not meet on Tuesday.

What began in Augsburg with a general strike must be finished in Munich. Our task is to unite all proletarians within the next few days, declare a general strike, proclaim a communist Government, and fraternize with the Russian and Hungarian proletariat. That done, there is no earthly power to prevent immediate and complete socialization.

To confront this danger Premier Hoffmann hurriedly returned to Munich from Berlin. His visit to the German capital had been to confer with the Federal authorities upon the subject of convening the Bavarian Diet at Bamberg or some other unaffected city. In Berlin, owing to a 10,000 to 3,000 vote of the Independent Socialists and Spartacans for a general strike to commence on the 6th, the Government promptly reinforced the garrison. Protests of some members of American missions that food, after all, did not seem so scarce, after visiting the all-night pleasure resorts of 66 arrogant female and extravagant male" patrons, caused the Government to order the closing of fifty of these places.

A dispatch of the 5th announced that the Cabinet had accepted an amendment to Article 34 of the Constitution empowering the workers, on an equal footing with the employers, to collaborate in the fixing of wages, in the settlement of labor conditions, and in the entire development of productive forces. The workers, for the purpose of safeguarding their social and economic interests, were promised legal representatives in all industrial councils, including the Imperial Labor Council. These representatives would work with the latter council in the framing of socialization laws and the submission of them to the National Assembly.

NEAR A PRECIPICE

The desperate nature of the situation in Germany was reflected on April 5 by George Renwick, a correspondent, who cabled from Berlin:

While Paris is discussing, something greater than Rome is burning. We are rapidly approaching the position of Paris Unless or Moscow, liberty or Lenine. something is done, something radical and at once, the fight will not be one of many rounds.

After pointing out that the Government had made and was making mistakes, Mr. Renwick held that it was only common justice to believe and say it was doing its best, taking into consideration its inexperience and the heart-rending nature of its task. He then went on:

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Were we wise, we would, in my opinion, do well to lend Germany something from our store of administrative talent. many of Germany's own administrators are "compromised." Nearly all are "of the old régime." We should lend that help now, lend it to put Germany on her feet economically again, lend it so that she might "pay" one day, lend it with a clear statement that it is just a very present help in time of trouble for herand for ourselves; for whatever road Germany goes the rest of Europe eventually follows.

We have to save Germany to save, in the long run, that civilization for which we fought so long and bitterly. This Government is the only possible one-that cannot be emphasized too often-with which peace can be concluded and by which peace terms can be carried out. If it goes, then practically there will be no Germany with which to conclude peace. SOVIET REPUBLIC PROCLAIMED

On April 7 Bavaria was proclaimed a Soviet republic by Herr Mekisch on behalf of the Revolutionary Central Council at Munich. Everything was declared the property of the community. All works were ordered under control of the Workers' Councils, to direct affairs jointly with the managers. Local authority and direction of the administration were placed in the hands of the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Councils, responsible to the people for all actions and omissions. Independent socialization was declared impossible. The students of Munich University announced the University Senate deposed and its administration transferred to a Council of Students and Professors.

Nuremberg, Würzburg, and Ratisbon calmly received the proclamation of the Soviet republic. There was no public disorder. According to a Berlin dispatch, however, Premier Hoffmann had not resigned, and had transferred the Bavarian Government to Nuremberg, where the Bavarian National Conference of Social Democrats had voted, 42 to 8,

against the introduction of a Soviet republic.

The Munich Abend Zeitung was quoted as giving the following provisional list of Soviet Ministers:

Minister of Foreign Affairs-Dr. Wilhelm Mühlon.

Interior-Martin Segitz.

Justice Dr. Boheim, a Communist.
Finance-Dr. Jaffe, Independent Social-

ist.

Commerce-Herr Simon, Independent.
Socialization-Dr. Neurath.

Worship-Herr Neikisch.
Agriculture-Herr Steiner.
Traffic-Herr Frauendorfer.

Military Affairs-Herr Schnepfenhorst. Popular Enlightenment-Herr Landauer, Independent.

Social Welfare-Herr Unterleitner, Independent.

According to the same source, Herr Unterleitner, former Bavarian Minister of the Interior, declared in a speech that the Noskes and Scheidemanns must now be thrown away like the Emperor Williams and King Ludwigs.

COMMUNISM IN THE SADDLE

Advices of April 7-9 indicated that events in Bavaria were moving through a bewildering overturn of society. Further plans of the new Soviet Government included socialization of the theatre, forcible opening of all closed stores to the service of the people, forcible reduction of rent and food prices, and the seizure of all fortunes of over 10,000 marks. The immediate creation of a Red Army was ordered. It was announced by General Headquarters of the First Bavarian Army was in an intensified state of been proclaimed, the domain of the First Army that, a Soviet republic having siege. It was officially announced in Munich that Ritter von Pruger, Bavarian envoy at Berlin, had been recalled. The Commissary for Foreign Affairs stated that the new German Constitution could never be binding on Bavaria, as Bavarian rights had been surrendered in that document. Soviet councils were chosen at Regensburg and Fürth. Additional details of the Soviet proclamation concluded with the following statement:

The Government of the Bavarian Soviet Republic follows the example of the Hungarian and Russian peoples. It will resume immediately a brotherly connec

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