tive village was thoroughly discontented, and became a centre of discord. Another cause was the uncertainty as to what would happen to the Moslems (of whom Egypt has 14,000,000 out of a population of 15,000,000) under Zionist administration in Palestine and under French administration of Syria. The religious bond between the Moslems in all these countries, he explained, is very strong.

The fire laid by the ill-treatment of the fellaheen and the ferment among the Moslems had been lighted, he continued, by a few politically astute Nationalists. There were, he pointed out, about 11,000,000 fellaheen in Egypt who are absolutely illiterate, and 1,000,000 more or less educated non-Europeans, who would like to get the power into their hands, and who call themselves Nationalists. Their real power, however, came from the fact that they were Moslems, and were thus able to utilize the grievances of the populace for their own ends.

In a memorandum by Sir William Wilcocks printed in The Morning Post on March 27 the oppression of the fellaheen in the Service Corps was confirmed and additional facts presented. As the war was prolonged, the collection of corn and fodder became an instrument in the hands of omdehs and officials to oppress the poor and helpless. The fellaheen began to feel that they were being plundered as they had been plundered under the Turk. Now the strength of the British occupation had always been the fellaheen; the sheiks, omdehs, governing classes and high religious heads had always been hostile, but this hostility weighed little compared with the loyalty of the millions of fellaheen. And the fellaheen had now become alienated, and consequently the party opposed to British rule was strong for the first time since 1885.

THE INSURRECTION

The official reports of the riots in Egypt showed that 2,000 houses in villages were sacked.

On March 14 several British soldiers were murdered, and a mob sacked and burned the stations at El-Rekkah and El-Wasta. On March 15 the express from Cairo was pillaged and several other trains were sacked. An employe of the State railway was murdered.

On March 15 at Beni-Souef a crowd invaded the courts during their sitting, drove out the officials, and made an attempt to seize the British Judge. Failing, they wrecked various Government offices and attacked the residence of the Governor. Eventually, on March 18, the revolutionists were driven back by a small body of Indian troops.

On March 16 the mob raided the police station at Miniet Camp and released prisoners. It then attacked the station, and the military picket was obliged to fire. Thirty natives were killed and nineteen wounded. Several thousand natives attacked the station tank, and the troops and police were obliged to fire. Twentytwo natives were killed and fifty wounded.

There was considerable looting of the homes of the British in Fayum, where

the Bedouins were active for several days. A large force of Bedouins attacked the garrison at Medinet March 19, but eventually were driven off after having suffered 400 casualties.

The disorders in Cairo were checked with the least possible employment of force. Altogether sixty-nine natives were killed and eight wounded here. The behavior of the Cairo police was excellent.

A delayed Reuter dispatch from Cairo under date of March 24, reviewing the uprising, said that within a short time Egypt was aflame from Alexandria to Assouan. The depredations and excesses recorded must have struck horror into the heart of every civilized being. Owing to the prompt military measures, however, the disturbances in Cairo and Alexandria were not nearly so serious as elsewhere.

The situation was rendered very difficult by the cutting of railways and telegraph lines. The correspondent said:

Within a few hours we saw the Egypt of 1882 again before us. But, whereas at that time the rioters were unorganized, there certainly seems to be organization behind the present movement. We have seen the telegraphs cut at the most vital points and railways destroyed by men evidently knowing their work. The tram railway employes, native lawyers, and others simultaneously ceased working. All efforts were employed to paralyze everything.

Owing to the presence of General Sir F. Reginald Wingate, High Commissioner for Egypt, in London, the Commander of Allied Forces in Palestine, General Allenby, was appointed Special High Commissioner for Egypt, and sent to break the Egyptian rebellion. Arriving in Cairo on March 23, General Allenby immediately adopted severe punitive measures, and the effect of them soon became apparent.

The rising came at a time when there were more British troops in Egypt than at any time in twenty-five years. The result was that General Allenby was able to act promptly and effectively. Punitive expeditions had been sent into the troubled regions. Many casualties among the rebels had been reported. There had been wholesale arrests and many Bedouins were being detained.

A proclamation had been issued to the effect that wherever an attack was made on any point the nearest villages thereto would be burned without warning.

REBELLION IS BROKEN

Many Bedouin chiefs had been summarily punished. As a consequence of these measures it was quite certain that the rebellion was broken. In many places natives were guarding wide areas, railways and Government property, and were preventing large gatherings and demonstrations by the populace. Armored cars and airplanes had been dispatched to remote places to aid in restoring peace and quiet.

The Bedouins, who constitute the most troublesome part of the population, apparently were back of the revolt. However, there is political disaffection among all classes of the people. This disaffection is widespread.

General Allenby said that violence was practically ended and that a quick return of normal conditions now would be easily effected. There had been no deportations and no punishments for political opinions. However, persons conspiring against the Government had been energetically rounded up. On the other hand, there had been no wholesale punishments for past offenses and free speech prevailed.

The feeling was widespread that General Allenby's methods were right, in that they combined firmness and good will. The great loss of life and property during the revolt had served to frighten native leaders and they were trying to calm the people. Meanwhile business had been at a standstill. The schoolboy strike in Cairo schools continued. All pupils, excepting those taking their examinations, were affected.

Reports received here from the delta region said that the first British troops to arrive there after the rising began found a good reception awaiting them. Many villages in the delta were surrendering, giving up arms and plunder, repairing damage and the people generally were seeking conciliation.

Southward the unrest still prevailed, where, due to the interruption of com

munications as a result of the damage to transportation lines, there were many wild reports of British reverses. However, a strong British column was moving in that direction and the troops were restoring order.

In order to provide sufficient water in the Nile to bring down refugees and to move troops up the river the great dam near Assouan and that at Assiut had been opened. This would result in a shortage of water for the July crops. Many instances are to be had to illustrate the fact that the natives themselves were the worst sufferers from the disorders that had occurred.

A call had gone out for a general strike and demonstration in Cairo. Notice had been given to all Government employes to quit work, to show the world that Earl Curzon's statement (see below) was wrong and that the nation supports the Nationalist leaders who were refused permission to proceed to the Peace Conference in Paris.

The British had Cairo picketed with troops, many of which were armed with riot sticks instead of rifles. The result of this order by General Allenby was seen in the fewer casualties reported.

The Government still was without a Cabinet, notables refusing to serve owing to intimidation. However, there was steady progress toward restoration of order.

STATEMENT OF EARL CURZON Lord Curzon, Lord President of the Council, said in a speech before the House of Lords on March 24 that the recent manifestations in Egypt were predatory rather than political, European shops at Tantah and elsewhere having been looted, and the latest news from Egypt gave cause for less anxiety. A gratifying feature of the troubles, he added, had been the behavior of the Egyptian officials, the army and the police. Concerning the charge that Egyptian peace delegates had been refused at the request of Great Britain, Earl Curzon said that the Government had never opposed the desire of the Egyptian Ministers, Rushdi Pasha and Adly Pasha, to come to England to discuss with the British Government the

future Government of Egypt. But with Said Zagloul Pasha and the other Egyptian Nationalists who had organized the present movement, he said, there could be no common ground for discussion. The presence of these men in England would be interpreted as evidence that Great Britain was willing to consider the complete abandonment of her responsibilities.

ZAGLOUL TO CLEMENCEAU

Concerning Zagloul, who was one of the four men deported from Egypt to Malta by the British authorities, and his demand to attend the Peace Conference with an Egyptian peace delegation, representative of the Egyptian Nationalist Movement, the letter written by him to M. Clemenceau from Cairo of date Jan. 20 was published in Paris on March 23. This letter signed by Said Zagloul, President of the Delegation Egyptienne and Vice President of the Egyptian Legislative Assembly, reads as follows:

In the name of the Egyptian delegation, I have the honor to inclose you a memorandum containing our claims and an exposition of our political and social state. As authentic mandataries of the whole Egyptian people we hope to attend the Peace Conference to lay before it our demands, as all peoples have been allowed to do. Alone among all nations Egypt, by the most crying injustice and most flagrant contradiction, has been deprived even of the right of being heard before her future was decided on. Powerless and unhappy, we have two extra claims to your justice. We are convinced that the Conference will help us in securing justice. It will not be said that after the numberless sacrifices accepted by Egypt, and the promise solemnly given that the Conference will attempt to give complete satisfaction to the peoples in settlement of their lot, our voice will be stifled. Respectfully we adjure you, M. le President, to examine our claims with that high feeling of unity that has always characterized you and to bring our case officially before the Peace Conference.

The pamphlet referred to in the letter has a special paragraph devoted to the League of Nations, which states that "Egypt would regard it as an honor to have its independence guaranteed by the Society of Nations, and to contribute so far as it can to the triumph of the new ideas." The pamphlet contains attacks on Great Britain,

N

The

EWS from Russia during the month under review showed that on the various fronts where the Bolsheviki are waging war they made most progress on the Ukrainian and southern lines. In Archangel, on the whole, the Allies held their own, most of the Bolshevist attacks being repulsed, in some cases with heavy losses to the Bolsheviki. Allies, however, have been constantly outnumbered in that region, and the fighting on this front has been accomplished under most difficult conditions, while Bolshevist propaganda has been brought constantly into play. To these circumstances, in part, may be attributed the official report of a temporary refusal of American troops to entrain and return to the fighting front unless definite statements were received from the United States Government as to when the American contingent would be withdrawn. The date of such withdrawal was stated by the War Department as the month of June; and an official Canadian statement provided for immediate withdrawal of the Canadian troops this month. The British, on the other hand, have begun the dispatching of considerable reinforcements, well armed and well equipped, and recruiting in England is proceeding steadily.

Along the Baltic the Bolsheviki suffered reverses at the hands of the Lithuanians and Letts; and the Bolshevist armies from Petrograd and Moscow have been steadily pushed back. On the Pinsk and Grodno fronts also the Bolsheviki were defeated and routed by the Poles.

In the Ukraine, on the contrary, the Bolshevist advance has been attended with success. Denikin's forces in the Cau

casus were hard pressed on the flanks, while a critical situation developed at Odessa, whose fall was reported on April 9; the Bolsheviki also took the Isthmus of Perekop, which had been fortified by the Allies to protect Sebastopol. The probability of the capture of this important city was foreshadowed in dispatches received here on April 12. The Bolshevist fighting forces in the Ukraine and Southern Russia have shown surprising efficiency, which may account for the unconfirmed report prevalent in Paris that the well-known General Brussilov was in command of the Soviet Ukrainian army. By their conquest of the greater part of South Russia, the Bolsheviki obtained large food supplies. The Bolsheviki having captured Odessa, threatened an advance toward Rumania.

In Siberia the Bolshevist fortunes were unfavorable. Along the northern line measuring some 100 miles from west of Ossa to the upper course of the Kama River, the Soviet armies were pressed back; Ufa and Birsk were captured and the Bolsheviki forced back to the west. Admiral Kolchak's forces effected a junction with the Archangel line, and relieved the difficult situation of the Orenburg Cossacks.

Under the Soviet Government the conditions, especially as relating to food, continued to be described as deplorable. One of the main objects of the Bolshevist Ukrainian campaign, it was said, was the procuring of food for North Russia, Petrograd, and Moscow, which were reported to be famishing, and where the death rate from hunger-disease has been extremely high.

The Bolshevist foreign policy seemed to be aiming increasingly at the obtaining of allied recognition; the special Ameri

can envoys, Bullitt and Steffens, bore back with them to Paris reassuring accounts of stabilizing conditions in Soviet Russia; and Martens, the Soviet envoy to the United States, was empowered officially by Tchitcherin to bring about between the Soviets and the United States the reopening of trade relations. It was stated on April 11 that Hjalmar Branting, the Swedish Socialist Minister,

and Dr. Fridtjof Nansen, head of the Norwegian Food Mission to the United States, and several other prominent Scandinavians and Swiss had conferred with President Wilson and Herbert Hoover in Paris in an effort to arrange for the feeding of the larger cities of Russia, especially Petrograd. The suggestion of the appointment of a neutral commission, however, would eliminate