Слике страница

first fruits of our labors. The day Is near when the very devil will have no terrors for us!

THE RED TERROR .From Izvestia (News) and The Northern Commune, both official Bolshevist publications, the following statistics are taken:

The Northern Commune on Sept. 9, 1918, said that the Extraordinary Commission had arrested and sent to concentration camps over 130 hostages from among the bourgeoisie, including members of the Cadet Party, Social Revolutionists of the Right, former officers, and well-known members of the propertied class and policemen. The same paper stated on Sept. 10 that in the Yaroslav Government manifestly antiSoviet elements were being shot, suspected persons interned in concentration camps, and non-working sections of the population subjected to compulsory labor. On Sept. 11 it announced that martial law had been proclaimed in Atkarsk, and that eight counter-revolutionists had been shot. In Astrakhan, this paper said on Sept. 18, the Extraordinary Commission had shot ten Social Revolutionists of the Right involved in a plot against the Soviet power. A priest and a Deacon in Karamyshev had been shot for agitation against the Soviet decree separating Church from State. In Perm, in retaliation for the assassination of Uritzky, (in the Fall of 1918.) and for the attempt on Lenine's life, fifty hostages from among the bourgeois classes and the White Guards were shot.

In the evening issue of Sept. 18, The Northern Commune reported a meeting of the Soviet of the First District of Petrograd. After a memorandum which emphasized the necessity of suppressing the bourgeois press, the following resolution was passed:

The meeting welcomes the fact that mass terror is being used against the White Guards and higher bourgeois classes, and declares that every attempt on the life of any of our leaders will be answered by the proletariat by the shooting down not only of hundreds, as the case is now, but of thousands of White Guards, bankers, manufacturers, Cadets, (Constitutional Democrats.) and SocialRevolutionists of the Right.

In the issue of Sept. 19 the same

paper published a speech made by Zinoviev containing the following passage:

To overcome our enemies we must have our own Socialist militarism. We must win over to our side 90,000.000 out of the 100,000,000 of population of Russia under the Soviets. As for the rest, we have nothing to say to them: they must be annihilated.

The Northern Commune on Sept. 19, 1918, published the following decision of the Council of People's Commissaries:

The Council of the People's Commissaries, having considered the report of the Chairman of the Extraordinary Commission, finds that under existing conditions it is most necessary to secure the safety of the rear by means of terror. All persons belonging to the White Guard organizations or Involved in conspiracies and rebellions are to be shot. Their names and the particulars of their cases are to be published.

In a report of the meeting of the Executive Committee of the Moscow Soviet, Oct. 16, printed on the following day by the Izvestia, occurs the following:

The report of the work of the AllRussian Extraordinary Commission was read at a secret session of the Executive Committee. But the report and the discussion of it were held behind closed doors and will not be published. [The All-Russian Extraordinary Commission has its seat in Moscow.]

The Izvestia of Oct. 19, 1918, under the heading of "The Conference of the Extraordinary Commission," stated that the total number of people arrested by the commission amounted to 6,220. Eight hundred were shot. The same paper announced on Oct. 5 that six ringleaders in a riot in the Kirsanov district, directed against the Soviet Government, had been shot.


In an article by Eugene Trupp, a prominent Social Revolutionist and a member of the All-Russian Constituent Assembly, published in Zemlia i Volia (Land and Freedom) on Oct. 3, 1918, the following statistics were given:

After the murder of Uritzky in Perm 1,500 people were arrested in Petrograd; 512, including 10 Social Revolutionists, were shot. At the same time 800 people were arrested in Moscow; the number of these shot was unknown. In NizhniNovgorod, 41 were shot; in Yaroslav, 13; in Astrakhan, 12 Social Revolutionists; in SarapuL 1; in Penza, about 40 officers; in Kuznetzk people were being shot daily in masses. These statistics, the writer stated, fell far short of the actual facts.

Other details given by M. Trupp may be summed up as follows:

Dora Kaplan, who attempted the life of Lenine, was tortured and finally shot. Maria Spiridonova, who had become an adherent of the Soviet program, had been imprisoned for three months in the Kremlin; she had written from there of the horrors of Soviet imprisonment; all the horrors of her life during eleven years of hard labor in Siberia appeared colorless compared to her experiences aa a prisoner of the Soviet. On Sept. 6 a demonstration of Red Guards took place in Moscow, in which were demanded " deeds for words" and "relentless red terror in the fight against the bourgeoisie." This method was to be applied also against the counter-revolutionists, the White Guards, the right wing of the Social Revolutionists, the Mensheviki, and against all who opposed the Soviet power. The last days of his stay in Moscow and Soviet Russia M. Trupp described as a period of horror; all people were terrorized; spies were everywhere; reports of people being arrested and shot were circulating; all were filled with fear and trembling.


N. Bukharin, a Bolshevist leader, in a pamphlet entitled "The Program of the Communist Party, or Bolsheviki," expounded the stand of the Bolsheviki on civil liberties. This pamphlet stated that as it is the aim of the workmen and

peasants to wipe out the bourgeoisie, this class must be denied all "great liberties," including the right of suffrage. In response to the charges of suppression of the press, of arrests and prohibition of meeting, of despotic methods, of violation and assassination, the author of the pamphlet draws a distinction between the press of the bourgeoisie and that of the laborers, between gatherings of counterrevolutionists and those of workmen, between strikes of laborers against capitalists and strikes of bourgeois intellectuals against the proletariat. The press, assemblies, and unions, he explains, are instruments of class struggle; weapons of civil war, like cannon, powder, or machine guns. The only question is, What class is using them, and against what class are they directed?

The Northern Commune recently published a report in which the Bolshevist prisons are described by the Bolsheviki themselves. This report states that the presiding officers of the Soviet of the Viborg district decided to send a delegation to the prisons of that district when they heard that terrible conditions prevailed there. They found that the prisoners were starving; many of them had been in .prison for eight months without trial, because the commission charged with the investigation of their cases had not been in session. The report declared the conditions in the prison to be indescribable. The cells were repulsively dirty; there was neither clean linen nor pillows; punishments occurred for the least offense. The prisoners were living ghosts, starving, too weak to talk. Corpses remained for hours among the living. The fare consisted of warm water supposed to be soup; no meat or bread was ever given.

How Russian Officers Were Murdered

The following greuesome account of the cruel murder of Russian officers was vouched for by the correspondent of the Renter Press Service at Rostov-on-Don under date of Feb. 1, 1919:

TWO eyewitnesses of the murder of the famous Russian General Russki, the hero of the Galician campaign, have told a terrible tale. The first describes the scene when the "Intelli

gentsia" at Kislivodsk were told off to dig trenches.

When the General's turn came to have his spade handed to him, the Bolshevist Commissary in charge, reading out his name, exclaimed: " Stop; that is General Russki. Is that not you, General?"

"Yes, it is I."

"When did I see you last?" Then, turning to the Red Guards, the Commissary asked: " Does any one here know Russki?" "We do. We do," was the answer.

"What fool sent you here?" continued the Commissary. "Russki should command, not dig trenches. I don't forget you were my commander. I remember and love you. If you'd only command us!"

"I can fight against Germans; but against Russians, no," answered the General. He was then freed and sent home, only to be arrested as a hostage two or three weeks later by a new Commissary.

The other story comes from a near relative, and is about his end. General Russki was one of the second party of hostages to be shot. This party was taken outside the town and made to dig a trench for a general grave. When this was done they were ordered to undress. General Russki refused, saying: "No, I shall not; you can strip my corpse later." He then knelt to pray. The executioner ran in and struck off his right hand with his sword and another following slashed off his head.

With him died General Radko Dmi

trieff, Prince Urussoff, and many others, cut and mangled to death. Then the bodies were thrown into the pit, and before they could be covered with earth those who were not yet dead tried to climb out from under the bodies of their comrades. Nevertheless, both living and dead were buried.

The official organ of the Don Government gives an eyewitness's report of the horrors perpetrated by the Red Guards at Sarepta, near Tsaritzin. Fortyseven wounded officers of the Officers' Battalion were taken prisoner and shot under the following circumstances: These officers, with blood running from undressed wounds, were marched outside the town to be shot. First they were made to dig a hole to serve as their grave. Weak from loss of blood, they frequently fell. However, under the lash of the knout some sort of a hole was dug.

A line was formed facing the pit, and, with rifle in hand, an 18-year-old Tartar Alim stepped ten paces from the grave and opened fire. In the course of ten minutes thirty-seven men lay in the hole, some dead and some only wounded, but all alike destined to be buried. The remaining ten were tortured. Their hands were tied behind their backs, while the right eye of each was put out with the point of a sword.

Allied Policy in Russia

Address by M. Pichon

STEPHEN PICHON, French Minister of Foreign Affairs, made a set speech in the Chamber of Deputies on March 28, 1919, defending the action of the French Government in Russia, which had been attacked by the French Socialists. He said that the instructions given to the troops were not to intervene in the internal policy of the country, but to establish order with the help of the Russians themselves, and from this policy the Government had not deviated. The charge that they were unjustly making war on Russia arose from too hastily identifying Bolshevism with Russia. "Our former ally, toward whom

we desire to remain loyal, is too hastily confounded with those who have seized power in the country in violation of all laws." War had not been declared against Russia, but was waged against Bolshevism, which was a plague, not only for Russia but for humanity. "We are, moreover, in good company— Great Britain, America, Italy, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Japan, Rumania — in short, all who have fought against Germany."

Dealing with the insinuation that all the world was "Czarist" when it was not for Lenine and Trotzky, M. Pichon said the real propagators of Czarism were those who, by taking the part of anarchy in those regions, were inevitably preparing the ground for the return of a monarchy. ALLIED FORCES IN THE NORTH Describing the military situation in Russia, he said:

At Murmansk, where we intervened in agreement with the Tschaikovsky Government, the situation has been stationary for many months past. At Archangel, after a protracted period of calm, the Bolshevik! suddenly took the offensive with, as I must admit, a certain efficiency due to the fact that they have Germans among their officers. The Allies are established in solid positions fifty miles distant from their original position.

Do you want to know what are exactly the allied effectives? It has been alleged that France was supplying the greatest number of men. That is not true, as is proved by the following figures. At Archangel there are: 13,100 British, 4,820 Americans, 2,349 French, 1,340 ItaWans, 1,280 Serbians, 11,770 Russians.

Admiral Kolchak's Government increases daily in strength. It represents Russian unity, and has declared for the Constituent Assembly, and with the utmost definiteness it has grouped under its authority the Governments of Archangel and Ekaterlnodar.

As to the command in Siberia, an agreement has -been come to between the French and British Governments that General Janln shall be Commander in Chief of the operations, and that the British General, General Knox, shall be In command of the rear. It Is certain that the military position of the Bolshevik! at this particular point is becoming more and more difficult. In a dispatch received from Omsk I read as follows: "The allied troops during the last few days have advanced in the direction of Samara, surrounding the Fifth Bolshevist Army, which has withdrawn to the south. The Bolshevist advance seems to have been held up."


The allied Governments have, moreover, settled the important and delicate TransSiberian question, thus facilitating the transport of provisions for the troops. What are our effectives?

Czechoslovaks . 55,000 British 1.600

Poles 12,000 French 760

Serbians 4,000 Japanese 28,000

Rumanians 4,000 Americans .... 7.500

Italians 2,000 Canadians 4,000

Making a total of 118,000 men, and, adding the Russian forces, 210,000 men.

I come to Southern Russia. The allied action there was assigned to France. It consists 'in the control of the German troops, support for the local Governments, and the occupation of the Black Sea bases. From Feb. 25 to March 4 Bolshevist bands attacked the approaches to Kherson, where we had only thirty rifles. The Bolshevik! numbered 10,000. Notwithstanding Hellenic reinforcements, the garrison had to evacuate Kherson. The occupation of Nlcolaieff by the Allies was not to have taken place until after the evacuation of the 12,000 Germans Who were there. The latter fraternized with the Bolsheviki.

At Odessa there are four French regiments with reduced effectives, three Greek regiments, and a Rumanian contingent. Reinforcements are being sent to protect the approaches to the town.

FORCES IN THE EAST It is interesting In this connection to note the effectives of the allied armies in the east. They are:

French 140.000 Italians 40,000

Rumanians ..190,000 Serbians 140,000

British 140,000 Greeks 200,000

At Odessa, [continued M. Pichon,] the situation Is delicate, for it is a question of a town of 80,000 inhabitants who must be fed. These are the facts, I hide nothing. I believe that General Franchet d'Espfirey has personally studied the situation In order to be able to deal with all eventualities. In the Ukraine the position is obscure and uncertain. The Bolsheviki captured Kharkoff and committed abominable acta there. The Petlura-Vlnnitchenko Directory had to be dissolved. General Vinnitchenko joined General Berthelot; as regards General Petlura. we do not know exactly where he Is.

After recalling that the commander of the Don Army, General Denikine, had stated that the Russian people in its conscience remained true to its Allies, M. Pichon returned to the subject of Bolshevism.

For us, [he said,] Bolshevism Is not a government, it is the organization of anarchy by terror. The first act was one of treachery toward us—namely, the signing of the peace of Breet-Litovsk, which might have resulted in the downfall of France.


I recognize all the seriousness of the Russian problem. It must not be underestimated. This problem is not in our eyes a purely French problem. It is an interallied problem. France cannot take It upon herself alone to achieve Its solution. That depends on an understanding between the Allies, each of whom must consider the extent of Its sacrifice. The

matter is being discussed at the Conference, and it is for the Conference to decide on it.

He remarked that there were other delicate questions bound up with the future of Russia—Ukrainia, Lithuania, Poland, and the Baltic question—which France could not settle by herself. For his part, he and M. Clemenceau had made the same declaration—namely, that what had to be done was to draw a sanitary cordon to bar the road to Bolshevism. There could be no question of penetrating Russia. The conference had the Russian problem before it, and this problem was becoming simplified and clarified in regard to the question of the nationalities. The Russian elements had

recognized the legitimate aspirations of the nationalities, and did not object to a federalist organization. "Herein lies," he remarked, "a valuable safeguard for the future of the Russia of tomorrow, freed from her internal reign of terror." M. Pichon concluded by recalling the prophetic words of the Socialist Savinkoff: "If the Entente countries advocate abstention [he was referring to intervention in Russia] there will certainly be one country which will have a Russian policy—namely, Germany. The day Russia awakes she will be the ally of Germany."

It is to avoid this, said M. Pichon, that they pursued in regard to Russia the policy he had just submitted to the chamber.

Why the Karolyi Government Fell

Change of Armistice Terms

A British observer just returned from Hungary wrote the following article before the receipt of the news of the proclamation of a Soviet Republic at Budapest, and it appeared in The London Times on March 2i, 1919. It vividly illustrates the difficulties that were seen beforehand to be leading to the downfall of Count Karolyi.

the cessation of hostilities. And if you further remember that these undisciplined millions did not return home to a country with an organized, stable Government, but to a land composed of a conglomeration of nationalities in process of rapid political, economic, and social disruption, you will perhaps be able t<r realize the difficulties the "Free Hungarian Republic" had to contend with. It was essential, if disorder was not to degenerate into anarchy, that a stable Government should at once be formed, and this again demanded some sort of basic agreement with the forces of the Entente. Count Karolyi's first concern, then, was to conclude an armistice with General Franchet d'Esperey, which he finally succeeded in doing at Belgrade on Nov. 8, 1918. It was on the basis of this armistice that he began to build up the new Hungarian Republic. UNDERMINED BY BOLSHEVIK1 The necessity for a stable central control was the more pressing because there had already been set up in Budapest a

DURING the years of war Count Karolyi had got into serious trouble owing to his outspoken condemnation of German ideals of world dominion, and it was he who first dared to utter in Parliament the fateful words, "We have lost the war!" The people, then, when they found Tisza's policy had led them to disaster, turned with a natural impulse to Karolyi. He appeared to them as the man predestined to stop the war which had proved so fatal to them, and to break with the Austro-German connection which had embroiled them in it. Within a week of his assumption of power both objects had apparently been accomplished, and Karolyi was regarded by the people as the man who had brought them peace and liberty.

But the Karolyi Government found itself faced with an almost desperate situation. If you can imagine a general demobilization of several million men taking place without any organization or directive control, you will understand something of the confusion that followed

« ПретходнаНастави »