Слике страница
PDF
[merged small][graphic][merged small]

southeast to the former boundary south of Neidenburg; thence from the former boundary to the River Niemen: thence from the River Niemen to a point near Xiddcn, and thence west by north to the Baltic. Boundary areas for plebiscites: Between the boundary of East Prussia, defined above, and the Marienwerder area: A line running from a point on the Nogat southwest of Elbing, eastward to the old western boundary of East Prussia, and then to the latter boundary southward.

The Allenstein area: The old western boundary of East Prussia on the west, and then a line running generally eastnortheast to include Regierungsbezlrk Allenstein and Kreis Glctzko.

Sarre Basin: Northern boundary, from the Frenoh frontier, west of Merzig, a line east by north to a point five miles north of St. Wendel. The easttrn boundary runs thence southeast to pass east of Homburg, and then south to the French frontier south of Zwiesbrucken, eo as to pass west of that place.

Areas for plebiscite in Schleswig: Between the present Danish frontier and a line running (1) through Flemsburg Fjord, south of Tondern and north of the Island of Sylt; (2) from a point on the Baltic coast about eight miles east by north from Flemsburg, southwest to a point about fifteen miles southwest of Flemsburg, then northwest to Scholmer Au, just east of Soholm: thence from Scholmer Au to the coast: thence south of the Islands of Fohr and Amrum in the North Sea; (3) along the course of the Schlei, thence south of Schleswig to Rcider Au, then down the stream, but passing east and south of Frieelrichstadt before meeting the Eider, which it follows to the sea.

Boundaries of the free city of Danzig: On the east from the Baltic to the junction of the Dogat and the Vistula, the boundary of East Prussia as described above on the south and west, the River Vistula northward to about fifteen miles southeast of Danzig; thence west by south for about sixteen miles, thence west-northwest for about eight miles to Lonkenerze; thence to Pollenzinen; thence northeast for about twelve miles to about seven miles southeast of Danzig; thence north passing east of Oliva; thence northeast passing between Koliebkcn and Zoppot to the Baltic about nine miles northnorthwest of Danzig.

ON THE BELGIAN BORDER

It will be seen from the foregoing official summary that none of the territorial claims of Belgium were granted except that for the Malmedy region, in Rhenish Prussia, a short distance south of Aachen, (Aix-la-Chapelle,) the population of which before the war was largely Walloon. The territory on the left bank of the Scheldt River and Maastricht and the Limburg Peninsula were not mentioned in the peace terms. It was semi-officially stated on May 5, however, that the Council was favorable to requesting the Allies to support the initiation of negotiations with Holland regarding the settlement of the question of freedom of the Scheldt and the waterways of East Belgium.

The Walloons of Prussia on April 21 sent a dispatch to M. Clemenceau requesting that their annexation to Prussia be canceled. This memorandum said in Fart:

[graphic]

The Inhabitants of cantons not Walloon, but Indispensable to Belgium, might be

consulted by means of a referendum, as is the case with the population of the Sarre Basin.

Regarding the plebiscite for the territory delimited by the foregoing summary in Schleswig, it was learned early in March that important electoral victories had been won by the Danes, showing that the number of Danish voters had greatly increased, not only in the large towns, but also in the small ones. At Aabenraa, for example, the Danes, who, on account of the former electoral system, had had only one representative, gained twelve, as against eight Germans. At Soenderborg ten Danes and four Germans were elected, and at Roedding eleven Danes and four Germans. These results excited the greatest satisfaction in Denmark.

After the publication of the boundary

[graphic][subsumed]

SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN REGION-. WHERE THE BOUNDARY IS TO BE DETERMINED

BY A POPULAR VOTE

decisions, however, it was stated in Copenhagen, on May 11, that the clause of the Peace Treaty providing for a plebiscite in Southern Schleswig was causing dissatisfaction in Denmark, where it was felt that the presence of so many Germans as would by this decision be included within the confines of Denmark would lead to racial conflicts in the future. The Political Committee of the Rigsdag, on the date mentioned, after conferring with the Government, telegraphed the Danish Minister in Paris that the Danish Government and the

Rigsdag insisted on the application of the principle of nationality.

The terms to be incorporated in the peace treaty concerning the Kiel Canal and Heligoland were revised in several important particulars. It was the original plan to destroy the fortifications of the canal, making it a strictly commercial waterway without defenses. The changes that now have been made leave the present fortifications in existence, and provisions have also been inserted permitting of the continuance of the present coast defenses, all of which were to have been destroyed according to the original plan.

The changes concerning Heligoland leave intact the present large basin constructed on an extensive scale for the use of submarines during the war. It was concluded that the use of submarines had now been so restricted that the basin no longer constituted a menace, and its continuance was decided upon as providing a useful haven for the North Sea fishing fleet in case of distress. The fortifications of Heligoland are to be dismantled, so that the basin is virtually the only thing retained.

OTHER BOUNDARY QUESTIONS

Apart from the territorial dispute between Italy and Jugoslavia over Dalmatia and the city of Fiume, treated elsewhere in this issue, there are other boundary questions whose solution by the Peace Conference is not yet definitely known, and around which centres considerable feeling on the part of nations with conflicting views. The report that a mandate over German East Africa would be given to Great Britain, for instance, created great excitement in Belgium.

After Paul Hymans, head of the Belgian delegation, had discussed the rights of Belgium in German East Africa on May 9, Premier Lloyd George telegraphed Viscount Milner, British Secretary for the Colonies, to come to Paris. On his arrival questions concerning the East African mandate were to be considered again.

The Belgian delegation on May 8 issued a note relative to Great Britain being appointed mandatary for German East Africa, saying that it was " unable to believe that this action had been taken by the Council of Four." The note continued:

In view of Belgium's Important military

operations in Africa, her sacrifices to in

sure the conquest of German East Africa. and the fact that her situation has given her rights on that continent, Belgium is unable to admit that German East Africa could be disposed of by agreements in which she has not participated.

The Belgian delegation called at American headquarters on May 8 and made energetic representations regarding the mandate for German East Africa.

In Austrian Tyrol claims were set forth to independent nationality by the delegates of the Tyrolese National Council in Switzerland, Walter Lutzl and Dr. Otto Guggenberg, in a lengthy memorial to President Wilson, published on April 13. The hardy mountaineers of the Tyrolean Alps complained that Italy wanted to swallow up their country, which was part of the former Austrian Empire, and furnished the former Emperor Charles's army with one of its crack regiments, the Tyrolese sharpshooters.

Speaking, so they asserted, for "several hundred thousand German Tyroleans," the delegates contended that the loss of Southern Tyrol—otherwise known as the Trentino—including part of the German Tyrol, which is claimed by Italy, would be the death blow to their economic independence, and that, by its enforced incorporation with Italy, "another Alsace-Lorraine" would be created.

The final disposition of the Dodecanese Islands, ceded to Italy by the Treaty of London of 1915, was still in abeyance on May 15, but the following day it was announced that Italy had relinquished her claims to these islands. This ended an acute controversy. The question of the future of the islands involved the question of self-determination, as the population is Greek. Italy has held the islands since the Tripolitan war in 1912, but now retires under the terms of the Treaty of Ouchy, which provided that they should be held until Turkey withdrew her officers from her former African possessions.

Adjusting the Conflicting Claims of Italians and Jugoslavs

on the Adriatic

BITTEREST of all the boundary disputes that had to be settled by the Peace Conference was the one between Italy and Jugoslavia regarding the possession of the city and harbor of Fiume and of part of Dalmatia. The Italian delegates held that, under the principle of national self-determination, Fiume should and must be Italian, since most of the people in the city proper were Italians. President Wilson, however, held that under this principle the whole region must belong to Jugoslavia, because the vast majority of the inhabitants outside of the city proper were Jugoslavs. Both sides were inflexible, and the controversy at length reached a crisis in which the whole Italian delegation withdrew for a time from the Peace Conference. The story of this episode is worth telling in detail.

Italy's claim to part of the Dalmatian coast dates back to a promise made to her in the Pact of London, signed by her and the Entente in 1915, when she entered the war. Fiume, however, was not given to Italy in that treaty. Italy's claim to this important seaport was a later development, and was based on the disintegration of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

The Council of Four labored for weeks to reconcile the conflicting claims of Italy and Jugoslavia, and the struggle in Paris was marked by growing hostility between the two nations at home. The Southern Slavs declared that their commerce would be strangled in its infancy if they were denied this, their only good port. The Italians asserted that they must have this port to insure Italy's future safety against aggression from Austria and against the Jugoslavs themselves, who had been their enemies during the war, and who still had Austrian sympathies. If Fiume were given to Jugoslavia, the Italians contended, the result would be an irresistible westward pressure on the

part of the nations of the Jugoslav hinterland, which would menace the national security of Italy.

The tension was such that the two delegations had to be heard separately. Matters began to come to a crisis as early as April 20, when President Wilson temporarily withdrew from the Council of Four, leaving the discussion to be carried on by Lloyd George, Clemenceau, and Orlando. The sentiment of Great Britain and France was in favor of a compromise favorable to Italy, as against President Wilson's definite and convinced objection to the transfer of Fiume to Italy. Both Great Britain and France were embarrassed by the Treaty of London ceding part of the Dalmatian Coast to Italy; this, Italy insisted, was still effective, but she was willing to modify it in exchange for Fiume, whose possession she considered imperative.

NEARING AN IMPASSE

On April 20 Premier Orlando and Foreign Minister Sonnino made it known that when the Italian Parliament reopened they would have to have definite knowledge of the Peace Conference's decision, and if it were averse they would have to leave for Rome to submit the matter to a Parliamentary vote.

Baron Sonnino continued to take an extreme position, insisting upon the integral fulfillment of the secret treaty of London, giving to Italy the entire Dalmatian coast and islands, and also claiming the City of Fiume, without internationalization or division with the Jugoslavs. Premier Orlando was rather more conciliatory, although a telegram which he had received from the heads of the Italian Army declared that the entire army was behind him in upholding Italy's aspirations. Captain Tozzi of Premier Orlando's staff said that the telegram was in effect an ultimatum, and showed how universal and deep rooted was the

« ПретходнаНастави »