Italian determination to gain adequate protection on the eastern Adriatic coast. He added that if these rights were not recognized Italy would undoubtedly adopt its own course, without reference to the conference, and occupy the regions to which she considered herself entitled.

On April 23 President Wilson issued an emphatic declaration that he would not yield on the Adriatic question. This statement created a profound sensation in the Peace Conference. The peace delegates generally regarded it as a challenge which would once for all dispose of the question whether secret documents, of which many nations participating in the war were ignorant, were to figure in the coming peace. The President's statement, it was said, came as a complete surprise, as it had been supposed that his objection had been part of a diplomatic game; the Italian delegates particularly, it was said, had so regarded it. For several days it had been generally known that the President had prepared a statement which he had presented to the entire American delegation, and that the delegation had approved it; but there was no suspicion that his position was so unalterable.

PRESIDENT WILSON'S STATEMENT

The full text of President Wilson's statement is given herewith:

In view of the capital importance of the questions affected, and in order to throw all possible light upon what is involved in their settlement, I hope that the following statement will contribute to the final formation of opinion and to a satisfactory solution:

When Italy entered the war she entered upon the basis of a definite private under-. standing with Great Britain and France, now known as the Pact of London.* Since that time the whole face of circumstances has been altered. Many other powers, great and small, have entered the struggle, with no knowledge of that private understanding.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire, then the enemy of Europe, and at whose expense the Pact of London was to be kept in the event of victory, has gone to pieces and no longer exists. Not only that, but the several parts of that empire, it is agreed now by Italy and all her associates, are to be erected into independent States and associated in a League of Nations, not *Printed in Current History in March, 1918.

with those who were recently our enemies, but with Italy herself and the powers that stood with Italy in the great war for liberty.

We are to establish their liberty as well as our own. They are to be among the smaller States whose interests are henceforth to be safeguarded as scrupulously as those of the most powerful States.

The war was ended, moreover, by proposing to Germany an armistice and peace which should be founded on certain clearly defined principles which set up a new order of right and justice. Upon those principles the peace with Germany has been conceived not only, but formulated. Upon those principles it will be executed.

We cannot ask the great body of powers to propose and effect peace with Austria, and establish a new basis of independence and right in the States which constituted originally the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and deal with the States of the Balkan group on principles of another kind. We must apply the same principles to the settlement of Europe in those quarters that we have applied in the peace with Germany. It was upon the explicit avowal of those principles that the initiative for peace was taken. It was upon them that the whole structure of peace must rest.

FIUME A GATEWAY

If those principles are to be adhered to Fiume must serve as the outlet of the commerce, not of Italy, but of the land to the north and northeast of that port, Hungary, Bohemia, Rumania, and the States of the new Jugoslav group. ΤΟ assign Fiume to Italy would be to create the feeling that we have deliberately put the port upon which all those countries chiefly depend for their access to the Mediterranean in the hands of a power of which it did not form an integral part, and whose sovereignty, if set up there, must inevitably seem foreign, not domestic or identified with the commercial and industrial life of the regions which the port must serve. It is for that reason, no doubt, that Fiume was not included in the Pact of London, but was defintely assigned to the Croatians.

And the reason why the line of the Pact of London swept about many of the islands of the eastern coast of the Adriatic and around the portion of the Dalmatian coast which lies most open to that sea was not only that here and there on those islands, and here and there on that coast, there are bodies of people of Italian blood and connection, but also, and no doubt chiefly, because it was felt that it was necessary for Italy to have a foothold amid the channels of the Eastern Adriatic in order that she might make her own coasts safe against the naval aggression of Austria-Hungary.

But Austria-Hungary no longer exists. It is proposed that the fortifications which the Austrian Government constructed there shall be razed and permanently destroyed.

It is part also of the new plan of European order which centres in the League of Nations that the new States erected there shall accept a limitation of armaments which puts aggression out of the question. There can be no fear of the unfair treatment of groups of Italian people there, because adequate guarantees will be given, under international sanction. of the equal

and equitable treatment of all racial or national minorities.

FACING NEW CONDITIONS

In brief, every question associated with this settlement wears a new aspect-a new aspect given it by the very victory for right for which Italy has made the supreme sacrifice of blood and treasure. Italy, along with the four other great powers, has become one of the chief trustees of the new order which she has played so honorable a part in establishing.

And on the north and northeast her

natural frontiers are completely restored, along the whole sweep of the Alps from northwest to southeast to the very end of the Istrian Peninsula, including all the great watershed within which Trieste and Pola lie, and all the fair regions whose face nature has turned toward the great peninsula upon which the historic life of the Latin people has been worked out through centuries of famous story ever since Rome was first set upon her seven hills.

Her ancient unity is restored. Her lines are extended to the great walls which are her natural defense. It is within her choice to be surrounded by friends; to exhibit to the newly liberated peoples across the Adriatic that noblest quality of greatness, magnanimity, friendly generosity, the preference of justice over interest.

The nations associated with her, the nations that know nothing of the Pact of London or of any other special understanding that lies at the beginning of this great struggle, and who have made their supreme sacrifice also in the interest, not of national advantage or defense, but of the settled peace of the world, are now united with her older associates in urging her to assume a leadership which cannot be mistaken in the new order of Europe.

AMERICA'S OBLIGATION

America is Italy's friend. Her people are drawn, millions strong, from Italy's own fair countrysides. She is linked in blood, as well as in affection, with the Italian people. Such ties can never be broken. And America was privileged, by the generous commission of her associates in the war, to initiate the peace we are about to consummate-to initiate it upon terms which she had herself formulated and in which I was her spokesman.

The compulsion is upon her to square every decision she takes a part in with those principles. She can do nothing else. She trusts Italy, and in her trust believes that Italy will ask nothing of her that cannot be made unmistakably consistent with those sacred obligations.

The interests are not now in question, but the rights of peoples, of States new and old, of liberated peoples and peoples whose rulers have never accounted them worthy of a right; above all, the right of the world to peace and to such settlements of interest as shall make peace secure.

These, and these only, are the principles for which America has fought. These, and these only, are the principles upon which she can consent to make peace. Only upon these principles, she hopes and believes, will the people of Italy ask her to make peace.

President Wilson's statement appeared in the Paris papers in the afternoon of April 23, and it was said at the Italian

headquarters that this was the first that the Italian delegates had known of it. After a conference held by the Italian delegation, it was announced the same afternoon that the delegates would leave Paris the following day. Premier Orlando addressed an official communication to Premier Clemenceau as President of the Peace Conference, saying that as a result of the declaration by President Wilson the Italian delegation had decided to leave Paris at 2 o'clock April 24. The Italian Vice Admiral, Thaon di Reval, former Naval Chief of Staff, left for Rome on the 23d.

A CRISIS PRECIPITATED

Premier Orlando, Foreign Minister Sonnino, and Salvatore Barzilai, Antonio Salandra, and Marquis Salvago Raggi, the other Italian delegates, attended the conference at headquarters which examined the situation created by the President's statement.

Premier Orlando expressed profound surprise at the declaration of President Wilson, which, he said, came at a time "about to make a supreme when he was attempt at conciliation." He added:

The Italian delegates, hoping to see the Italian problem adjusted amicably, might have taken some other decision than ceasing to collaborate in the labors of the Conference, had this statement not been issued. * * I will address a message to the Italian people, who will express themselves.

ORLANDO'S REPLY TO WILSON

Premier Orlando issued a long statement on April 24 replying to President Wilson, which read as follows:

Yesterday, while the Italian delegation was discussing counterpropositions which had been received from the British Prime Minister, and which had for their aim the conciliation of contradictory tendencies which were manifested concerning Italian territorial aspirations, the Paris newspapers published a message from the President of the United States, in which he expressed his own thought on one of the gravest problems which have been submitted to the judgment of the conference.

The practice of addressing nations directly constitutes surely an innovation in international relations. I do not wish to complain, but I wish to record it as a precedent, so that at my own time I may follow it, inasmuch as this new cus

tom doubtless constitutes the granting to nations of larger participation in international questions, and, personally, I have always been of the opinion that such participation was the harbinger of a new order of things.

Nevertheless, if these appeals are to be considered as addressed to nations outside of the Governments which represent them, (I might say even against the Governments,) I should feel deep regret in recalling that this process, heretofore applied to enemy Governments, is today applied for the first time to a Government which has been and intends to remain a loyal ally of the great American Republic, namely, the Italian Govern

ment.

Above all, I should have the right to complain if the declarations of the Presidential message have the purpose to oppose the Italian people to the Italian Government, because it would misconstrue and deny the high degree of civilization which the Italian people has attained and its democratic and liberal régime.

To place the Italian people in opposition to the Government would be to admit that this great free nation would submit to the yoke of a will other than its own, and I should be forced to protest strongly against suppositions unjustly offensive to my country.

Premier Orlando declared that President Wilson was "treating the Italians as if they were a barbarous people without a democratic Government." He further said that he had never denied that the Treaty of London did not apply to Fiume, but declared that the Italian claim was based on the principles of President Wilson's Fourteen Points.

ITALY'S NATURAL DEFENSES Citing the President's argument that the concessions granted bring Italy to its natural defenses, the Alps, Signor Orlando said:

This recognition is of great importance, provided that the eastern flank of this wall does not remain open and that the right of Italy should be interpreted to include the line of Monte Nevoso, [north and west of Fiume,] which separates the waters running toward the Black Sea and the Mediterranean. Without this protection a dangerous breach is left in this admirable barrier of the Alps, rupturing the unquestionable political, economic, and historical unity of the Istrian Peninsula. I contend, furthermore, that he who is entitled to the honor of proclaiming to the world the right of the free determination of peoples should recognize this right for

Fiume, an ancient Italian city which proclaimed its Italian nature before the Italian ships arrived-an admirable example of national consciousness perpetuated throughout centuries.

To deny this right only because of the small number concerned would mean the admission that the criterion of justice toward peoples varies according to their territorial extent.

He concluded his statement with an expression of the "profound sympathy which the Italian people professes toward the American people."

ITALIAN DELEGATION DEPARTS

Immediately following the issuance of this reply a last interview was arranged at Lloyd George's residence by the British Premier himself, between the Italian delegates, on the one hand, and Wilson, Clemenceau, and Lloyd George on the other. The conference was long. It was stated that at this meeting the whole controversy was reviewed, but though the tone of the official communiqué was encouraging, no definite results were stated. On the same day, (April 24,) Premier Orlando, accompanied by the Italian plenipotentiaries, Diaz and Barzilai, departed for Rome.

Premier Orlando stated before his departure that there had been no actual rupture with the conference. It had been decided, he said, that he would make an official statement to the Italian Parliament.

EFFECT IN ITALY

The news of Premier Orlando's decision to return to Rome from the Peace Conference was cheered by vast throngs in the streets of the Italian capital on April 24, the people applauding enthusi astically whenever the names of Italy, Fiume, Dalmatia, Orlando or Sonnino were mentioned by speakers. Telegrams from all the large towns of Italy reported great demonstrations and much public excitement. The American, British, and French embassies and the offices of the Socialist newspaper Avanti were each guarded by 200 soldiers to avoid possible incidents.

The Rome newspapers were unanimous in declaring that the Italian program as set forth by its delegation at Paris rep

resented the minimum demands compatible with the dignity and safety of Italy. The Italian press as a whole took the position that the withdrawal of the Italian delegation from the Peace Conference was inevitable if Italy's aspirations should not be recognized.

Gabriele d'Annunzio, the author-aviator, sent a message to Fiume, reading:

He who is ready to convert a war cry into action needs to fear nothing. I promise you victory. I will be amidst you in the supreme moment. Watch and be silent. Popular feeling ran high in Rome, the chief resentment being shown against In all the cities of President Wilson. Italy demonstrations were in progress, the streets being decorated with Dalmatian and Fiume flags, while all political disputes were dropped-even in Milan, where the Socialists had caused disturbances-in view of what was regarded as an invasion of Italian rights and dignity. Gabriele d'Annunzio, in a fiery message to a Rome demonstration, on April 24, reasserted the determination of his supporters to defend Italian possession of Fiume and Dalmatia at the point of the sword should the Paris Conference utter an adverse verdict. The nationalist press was full of bitter attacks upon Wilson, Lloyd George, and Great Britain generally.

ORLANDO IN ROME

The Italian Premier arrived in Rome on April 26, and received an enthusiastic ovation. He addressed the great crowd that had assembled to welcome him, saying that this was not a time for fine language in the face of the world, which was judging Italy. "We must," he declared, "have firmness and a calm, serene conscience." The first question was to decide whether the Italian delegates had interpreted correctly the thoughts and will of the Italian people; the second was to eliminate if possible the gravity of the situation. He continued:

We must show that we have taken the worst into consideration. After four years of unspeakable privations and sacrifices we may find ourselves faced with fresh sacrifices and privations. Food supplies are failing us, but Italy, which has known hunger, has never known dishonor. * I do not conceal from you

the danger of this very critical hour. * It may be that we shall find ourselves alone, but Italy must be united and have a single will. Italy will not perish.

Amid wildly cheering throngs, the Premier's car was drawn by the people to the royal palace in Quirinal Square; some idea of the number gathered is indicated by the fact that it took the Premier two hours to cover this short distance. He was repeatedly obliged to address the people amid vociferous applause. All Rome was beflagged. Offices and shops were closed. Some 200 associations, with banners inscribed "Italy, Fiume, Dalmatia," were among the welcomers. At the station, also, were all the Cabinet Ministers of Rome, high officials of State, the Prefects, Prince Colonna, Mayor of Rome, and 300 Senators and Deputies; also many maimed soldiers, and red-shirted Garibaldians. It was announced that all political parties had approved the stand of the Italian delegation to the Peace Conference.

Sonnino, who left Paris after Orlando, arrived in Rome on April 28, and received an enthusiastic reception. On his arrival he called on all Italians to unite in their support of the Government. which " represents a country which is

united and which will win." Both Premier Orlando and Signor Sonnino, it was stated, on April 28, had become "the idols" of Rome, their residences being surrounded by large crowds, and their every public appearance being hailed by wild enthusiasm.

ADDRESS TO PARLIAMENT

On the following day, (April 29,) the Premier laid his appeal before the Italian Parliament. An address was made by the Prime Minister, which was frequently interrupted by applause, and was followed by an ovation in the Chamber.

Premier Orlando said that all through the period of negotiation to frame peace terms with the Germans the relations of the Italian delegation with the allied and associated powers could not have been more amicable or cordial. He added:

If it was possible to deduce from our conversations the divergencies of views between the Governments, and, above all, between the Italians and Americans,