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promoted a similar agitation among the Indians in South Africa.
The principal features of the two Government bills which were regarded as responsible for the uprisings are as follows: The first, entitled the Indian Criminal Law (Amendment) bill, is intended to be permanent in character, ana makes various amendments in the law of sedition. The second clause, as published, provided that:
Whoever has In his possession any seditious document intending that the same shall be published or circulated shall, unless he proves that he had such document in his possession for a lawful purpose, be punishable with imprisonment which may extend to two years, or with fine, or with both.
There are other stringent provisions restricting the activities of revolutionaries.
The second bill is entitled the Criminal Law (Emergency Powers) bill, and is divided into five parts. Under the first three parts punitive measures, preventive measures of a "mild character," and preventive measures of a "more stringent character" can each in turn be called into operation on the issue of a notification by the Governor General in Council, which is capable of application to a particular province or even smaller area. The entire bill confers emergency powers on the Government for the arrest, suppression, search, and punishment of offenses against the State.
The bills met with such a storm of protests that they were modified, restricting the scope to "anarchical and revolutionary crime." Mr. Gandhi led the opposition by forming at Bombay a Passive Resistance League, the members of which take a vow to refuse "civilly to obey the laws," but are pledged to abstain from violence to life or property. Another party, called the "Moderates," issued a manifesto March 18, 1919, in which they appealed to the public to dissociate themselves from the "passive resistance" movement, pointing out that the only means of defeating the obnoxious legislation was to pray the Crown to disallow it. A telegram to that effect was accordingly sent to the Secretary for India, Mr. Montagu, but no action was taken by the Government.
The crisis over the Adriatic settlement, which began early in the year by the withdrawal from the Cabinet of the Moderates Nitti and Bissolati, reached its climax on April 24, when President Wilson published his statement on the subject, and on April 29, when the Rome Parliament gave the Orlando Government a vote of confidence of 382 to 40, the latter being represented by the intransigeant Socialist group under Signor Turati, which was uncompromisingly pledged to "self-determination."
Nitti's withdrawal had been followed by some slight signs of a compromise demonstration, in which he had labored to bring about a momentary union of the Socialists and the newly formed Catholic Popular Party. But this was soon smothered by demonstrations by the followers of Giolitti, the non-interventionist statesman, who was forced to retire to private life when Italy entered the war against his policy. These demonstrations, with the cry "Fiume or death," were intended to prevent the Italian delegates at the Peace Conference from making a compromise. On the surface they, together with the vote of Parliament, appeared to be a mandate from the Italian people to secure the maximum—the full terms of the Treaty of London and the incorporation of Fiume. It was in these parlous times, the Vatican's restrictions against Catholics taking part in the political affairs of the kingdom having been removed, that the Catholic Popular Party came into being. In view of the forthcoming general election it issued a manifesto to the people. After promising that national economy must be reorganized on new lines, the rights of labor guaranteed, the agrarian question solved, and the upper classes urged to do their duty, the manifesto enunciates the following planks in the party's program:
Proportional representation, reform of the Senate, which should become representative of the nation's organic corporations: administrative decentralization, and the constitution of the League of Nations on the lines of general disarmament, publicity of treaties, and compulsory arbitration.
The Catholic Corriere d'ltalia, commenting on the manifesto, warned Premier Orlando that, whatever he may accomplish at Paris, he must immediately set about bringing to a conclusion the proposed reforms.
A report was communicated to Washington by John S. Armstrong, Jr., the American Consul at Venice, which shows "what the industries of the Regione di Veneto suffered during the Austrian occupation. The report is based upon an investigation made by the Association Between Manufacturers and Merchants of Venetia. The total loss of 437 industries from which returns were available amounted to 287,988,663 lire, or $57,597,732.60. The industries most severely affected were cotton, wool, and hemp mills, iron foundries, and fertilizer and chemical works. Thirty-two unclassified small industries lost through inactivity half a million lire and over three times as much in toto.
The report of the United States Trade Commissioner at Rome, H. C. MacLean, became available at Washington May 5. It is dated March 27, and gives considerable space to the development of the Banca Italiana di Sconto, which was established in 1915, after a merger of smaller banks, in order to rescue the country from the financial grasp of Germany.
What Mr. MacLean calls the greatest financial undertaking during the war was the increasing by the bank of the capital stock of Gio. Ansaldo & Co. from 100,000,000 lire to 500,000,000. This company manufactures many things, from ships to gasoline engines. Large sums were also lent to develop the hydroelectric works in Northern Italy, where there is believed to be a great future in the transference of water power to electrical energy. Mr. MacLean writes concerning the source of the bank's finances as follows:
As an Indication of the indomitable energy of the Italian commercial interests and of their confidence in Italy's economic future, attention is called to the fact that between July, 1915, when Italy entered the war, and September, 1913, new capital invested in stock companies amounted to almost 4,000,000,000 lire. Furthermore, deposits In savings banks
and similar institutions increased from 7,59r>,000,000 lire in June, 1014, to 12,231,000,000 lire in June, 1918.
On April 20 Governor General riasegawa, with headquarters at Soul, the capital of Korea, instituted a series of courts-martial for trial of officers and soldiers who are alleged to have exceeded their authority in putting down the recent revolt in the " Hermit Kingdom."
Viscount Kato, the leader of the Kenseikai party, has been agitating in Tokio for autonomy, or at least civil administration instead of military, for Korea. In a recent interview he said:
The act of union between Japan and Korea could not be set aside, but it would be wrong to think that the Japanese were satisfied with things as they were. Many leading men knew that reforms were necessary. The defects of Marshal Terauchi's administration had long been recognized, also the desirability of changing the military for a civil Governor. While the material prosperity of the Koreans, compared with a generation ago, was unquestioned, the spiritual and intellectual needs must be recognized. The agitation was partly the result of the changed position of missionary establishments, which under the old regime were havens of refuge and centres of great influence as against a corrupt bureaucracy.
On May 15 the Privy Council of Japan met at Tokio under the Presidency of the Emperor and decided upon a revision of the organic system of the Korean Government. The revision calls for the substitution of civil for military rule, and a large measure of self-government, just as soon as the Koreans abandoned their agitation for complete independence, which was impossible as being indentified with the military defense of the empire as well as with her paramount industrial and commercial interests.
The referendum, as it is called by the Government, or the plebiscite, as it is called by the Luxemburgers, which was to have decided the fate of the Grand Duchy on May 4, was postponed by an act of the Chamber on April 16. As for the reason of postponement the press is divided: Some believe that pressure was brought to bear upon M. Reuter, the Prime Minister, from Paris; others believe that pressure was exerted from Brussels, where it was feared that French economic interests were on the point of carrying the day. Meanwhile, ballots for the vote had been placed in circulation, and the questions which Luxemburgers of both sexes over the age of twenty-one, with certain obvious exceptions, wTould be required to answer, were put thus:
A.—Dynastic—(1) Does Luxemburg wish to remain a monarchy (a) under the present dynasty and Grand Duchess; (b) under the present dynasty and another Grand Duchess; (c) under another dynasty? (2) Does Luxemburg wish to become a republic?
B.—Economic— (1) Does Luxemburg wish for an economic union with France? (2) Does Luxemburg wish for an economic union with Belgium?
Meanwhile, on April 28, after an imposing procession through the streets of the City of Luxemburg, 50,000 Luxemburgers signed a resolution appealing to the Paris Peace Conference for complete autonomy and a place in the League of Nations.
The somewhat complicated situation was explained to the Luxemburgers in the United States by M. Emile Prum, who had been selected by them to present to the Peace Conference a petition urging the importance of an economic alliance between Luxemburg and Belgium. M. Prum was a member of the Chamber for twenty-one years; during the German occupation he was condemned by the Germans to three years' imprisonment for criticising their methods.
Luxemburg, he said, after a union of four centuries with Belgium, was separated from it by force in 1839. In 1917 a commission appointed by the Government reported in favor of an economic union with Belgium. It was then supposed that Belgium would continue under the economic guidance of Germany. When the French troops arrived after the armistice a great wave of enthusiasm for France swept the Grand Duchy, which was nurtured by certain industrial magnates who wished to combine the iron industry of South Luxemburg with those of Briey and Lorraine and form a great
iron and steel trust which would control the markets of Europe, if not of the world. These magnates owned the great foundries which had turned out German armaments during the war, had suppressed strikes at their plants with the help of German machine guns, and had impressed labor from Belgium. Under their influence the commission of 1917 has reversed its decision and now advocates union with France. Their antiBelgian propaganda is everywhere to be met with at the meetings of all political parties. M. Prum concludes:
Thus the ideas of the people have been thoroughly upset without their knowing why. It Is obviously in the interest of the country that it should not be given over tied and bound into the hands of whichever of the two States is not shut out by the referendum. In view of the troubled state of public opinion, it would be a good thing if the Entente Powers would suggest to the Government of Luxemburg that it should act energetically and take the matter into its own hands by entering into negotiations with the Belgian Government with a view to an economic union. Such a step would be in the interest of the country and would put a stop to a movement started by a powerful financial organization, the chief aim of which is to fish In troubled waters.
Oscar S. Heizer, the American Consul at Bagdad, reported as follows concerning the economic condition of Mesopotamia since hostilities ceased there last October:
The British military authorities have established model dairy farms at Bassorah, Amara, Kut, Bagdad, Ramadi, HUlah, and Naslriyah. These arc managed by experts, and the milk is treated under hygienic conditions. Each farm has been equipped with an up-to-date dairy plant and machinery, and the whole dairy produce, consisting of milk, cream, and butter, is turned over to the military hospitals. Large numbers of cattle h^.ve been imported from India, and efforts are being put forth to improve and Increase the herds in Mesopotamia. The Department of Agriculture, which henceforth will control the dairy farms, has been very active in different directions. Various demonstration farms—poultry farms, wheat and cotton farms—have been established. New canals, irrigation channels, dams, reservoirs, and the reconstruction of similar works which have long fallen Into disuse, have been undertaken.
The propaganda which has been carried on at Paris and elsewhere in favor of King Nicholas of Montenegro by Yovo Popovitch and John Plamenatz and other irreconcilables, (see Page 501,) charging Serbian coercion in the disposition of Montenegro, was answered in the Jugoslav organ of Paris, The Will of the People, by Yanko Spassoyevitch, deputy of the Great Montenegrin National Assembly, as follows:
As a Deputy of the Great Montenegrin National Assembly I consider It my duty to proclaim as entirely false all the declarations of the Government of the exKing Nicholas, made in its communiques of Feb. 19 and 27. 1919.
The Great National Assembly elected by general suffrage voted on Ncv. 13 last in accordance with the historic traditions of the Montenegrins, the union of Montenegro with Serbia and with our brother Croats and Slovenes, and deposed King Nicholas, who had rendered himself guilty of treason toward Serbia and the Allies. This decision was the result of full liberty of action and was due to no pressure exercised by Serbia. Moreover, such pressure would have been impossible, for, at that time, there were only three companies of Jugoslav troops in the country and no Serbian. It is equally false that the Serbian authorities or soldiers have Ill-treated the people or committed atrocities.
The truth is entirely contrary: It is that the armed bands organized by the cx-Klng of Montenegro, at the head of which was the well-known criminal, Jean Plamenatz, attempted on Dec. 24. 1918, to bring about a rising in the country and to take possession of C'ettlnje. On being dispersed by the people the rebels succeeded in escaping to Italy, but not before they had killed twelve citizens, for the most part young students who had defended the city. • • •
The people of Montenegro have one desire: It Is to live in peace with their brother Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes. Tills is their unanimous wish. It should be treated with respect.
Rumania in April took measures against the divisions of Bolshevist Magyars which had been seizing strategic positions for an advance through Transylvania with the advertised intention, according to Bela Kun, of releasing the Magyars there "from the Rumanian yoke." The military operations of the
Rumanians began on April 18, from the 200-mile line extending from the River Maros north and slightly east to the foot hills of the Carpathians. By April 26 they had advanced fifty miles and held the line emphasized by positions at Kis-Jeno, Mate-Szalka, Nagy-Szalonta, and Debreczen, and were 120 miles southeast of Budapest. A few days later their right flank had established communication with the army of the Czechoslovaks.
On May 8 negotiations for an armistice were entered into between the Soviet Government at Budapest and the Rumanian Commander in Chief. The latter's demand—disarmament of the enemy forces, surrender of war material and of prisoners and hostages—was rejected at Budapest. These terms being modified by the Interallied Mission at Bucharest, on May 10, a truce was established, while British monitors continued to command Budapest from the Danube.
On May 2 the Russian Soviet Government sent out from Moscow an ultimatum to Rumania demanding the evacuation of Bessarabia, which had been occupied by Rumanian troops after the German soldiers of Marshal Mackensen departed on the signing of the armistice. The right wing of the Rumanian Army here has linked up with the left of the French troops which evacuated Odessa on April 5.
The new Spanish Cabinet formed by Senor Maura in May was as follows:
SENOR MAURA, Prime Minister.
SENOR GONZALES HONTORIA, Foreign Affairs.
SENOR LA CIERVA. Finance.
SENOR GOIECOECHEA. Interior.
SENOR GALLARDO OSSORIO, Public Works.
VISCOUNT MATAMALA, Justice.
SENOR SILIO. Instruction.
GENERAL MIRANDO, Marine.
The Liberal Cabinet of Count Romanones, Maura's predecessor, had confessed its inability to tranquilize the labor agitation in Barcelona, and had professed its inability to fulfill the constitutional requirements to get the budget voted before July. Maura at once received assurances of support from Liberal and Conservative leaders, but the General Confederation of Labor would have none of Sefior La Cierva, the new Minister of Finance, and the protests against him, emanating particularly from Barcelona, showed that the new Government was not in a better position to transact business with Parliament than its predecessor had been.
The May Day demonstrations brought matters to a crisis, and on May 2 King Alfonso signed a decree dissolving Parliament and appointing the general elections to take place on June 1. In Spain, owing to the fact that the electoral machinery is in the hands of the Minister of the Interior, a Government which submits to a general election is rarely defeated.
The unrest in Spain was treated at length in a letter written April 19, 1919, by the Spanish Ambassador to Great Britain, A. Merry Del Val. It is a document of historic value and reads as follows:
When people are told that the forces of the Left are arrayed against those of the Right in Spain, this does not mean, as is implied, that the Liberal Parties are fighting the Conservatives, but that the Revolutionaries are assailing the whole monarchical and social regime. Thus, from the very list published in London, It Is clear that the new Spanish Ministry is a Coalition Government, in which Count Romanones is represented by Seflor Gonzales Hontoria, and Sefior Garcia Prieto, the other great Liberal leader, by Viscount Matamula, while Sefior La Cierva is an independent Conservative who has been in office before now with Liberal colleagues.
On the other hand, when the word "workers " is used with regard to Spain, the Socialists and anarchists are generally referred to. There Is no Labor Party in Spain. The existing Parliamentary representation is exclusively political, and its small Socialistic section has done nothing for the working man's welfare. Its alms are purely subversive of every existing Institution. Social reform has invariably been carried out in Spain by the various monarchical parties and their Governments, who in confiding the preparation of legislative measures for the working classes' benefit to a permanent Institution for social reforms have given a fine proof of impartiality by Including men of every opinion in that
body, which was for many years presided over by one of the respectable leaders of the Republicans, until the moment of his death.
In view of recent statements, It Is just as well to recall the true history of the unhappy events of 1909. An insidious press campaign having prepared the way by rendering unpopular certain military operations in Morocco, the anarchists, in more or less open collusion with other revolutionary elements, took advantage of the dangerous depletion of the Barcelona garrison hrough the rushing of drafts to Africa to cut the railways and every sort of communication with that town. The Isolation of Barcelona accomplished, they began the execution of the first part of their plan, revealed by documents afterward seized, by attacking the religious establishments in different parts of Barcelona, several of which were burned to the gr' ind. The Church of Las Mercedes, a historical jewel of inestimable antiquarian value, was destroyed, the inmates of the neighboring convent shamefully maltreated, the bodies of dead nuns exhumed and placed in vile mockery on the barricades. The mob next proceeded to attack the banks and private houses according to plan, but were held in check for three days by the garrison, then numbering only 1.200 men. A few hours afterward rcin'orcements entered the town and condign punishment was meted out to the guilty, every requisite of the law being, however, observed in the process. The leader of the movement was a notorious anarchist, Francisco Ferrer, a man after the heart of Lenin and Trotzky, in whose possession a complete plan of the revolution was discovered. Ferrer, an individual of no great Intellectual capacity or learning, who had amassed money by swindling certain devout Frenchwomen of his acquaintance, was the founder and head of the so-called Modern School at Barcelona, where children were not only taught the doctrine of world revolution but the recipe for making bombs. He was the moral author of the dastardly attempt against the life of the King and Queen of Spain on their wedding day.
The present strike of telegraph officials is the outcome of the dislike of these public servants for a Minister who last Autumn was successful in putting down a movement of the same kind, by which the telegraphists attempted to blackmail the Coalition Government of the day under the Liberal leader, Garcia Prieto, into accepting their exaggerated demands after their most reasonable conditions had been acceded to. Their present att1tude will recoil upon themselves by making them most unpopular nil over Spain. whereas the wireless system, In the hands