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the city and were entitled to gratitude instead of the hatred worked up against them, the Prussian soldiers were accorded a novel popularity. The last important Communist stronghold had fallen to Noske's ragged remnants of former battalions and hurriedly recruited volunteer regiments—Noske, who six months before was a person unknown to military fame. An official announcement was made on May 6 that the damage done in Munich incident to the Communist regime and its overthrow amounted to $62,500,000.


Owing to the discovery of arms and ammunition on the estate of Prince Henry of Prussia at Hemmelmark, Holstein, apparently for defense against roving bands of Spartacans, the Potsdam Soldiers' Council was ordered to search the residences of various Hohenzollern Princes and other feudal estates.

According to the Politiken of April 18, Runge, a soldier in one of the Jager regiments, was arrested and charged with being an accomplice in the murder of Dr. Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg in Berlin. Runge had been put on guard at the Eden Hotel entrance when the soldiers arrived to arrest the revolutionary leaders. As Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg emerged, Runge was said to have swung his rifle and with the butt struck Liebknecht, killing him.

On April 18 General Merker's Prussian corps took possession of Brunswick almost without opposition. The tailor President, Merges, escaped in a motor car, but Eichhorn, ex-Chief of the Berlin Police, was captured. Thus ended the wrangling Soviet administration in Brunswick, which had been in power ever since the November election.

The Berlin general strike was settled on April 19 in favor of the workers. The settlement was tantamount to active recognition of the strikers' demand that they receive a voice in determining engagements, dismissals, and promotions of employes in all work except in executive and directorate positions.

The Easter holidays brought to the greater part of Germany comparative quiet and order. Leipsic newspapers

stated that since the general amnesty order by the new German Government last November 14,293 sentences had been remitted and 2,352 prosecutions dropped in Saxony alone. Of the 2,709 requests for pardon received by the Ministry of Justice, 1,296 had been declared unnecessary because of the amnesty decree, 291 had been granted, and 666 refused. The remainder were under consideration.


Berlin advices of April 23 stated that the strike situation in Germany was rapidly calming down. At Hamburg, however, the Communists continued riotous demonstrations against the authorities, seriously affecting the unloading of American food relief ships. Volunteer strikebreakers, composed mostly of merchants and men of the professional classes, who realized the vital need of unloading the food, lent willing shoulders to the work. The threat of a similar condition at Bremen prompted Director General Hoover of the Interallied Relief Organization to issue a message of warning. The Boersen Zeitung, in commenting upon" this, said:

Mr. Hoover says shortly and sharply, America has no desire to restrict itself in order that its grain ships may be sunk in the Elbe and its fat kegs may disappear through the riot of a few thousand Spartacans, or that its potatoes shall rot in warehouses because they cannot be transported. America has the good-will to save all from starvation, provided there is assurance of a state of order in Germany. Otherwise there will be no more supplies. That is Mr. Hoover's ultimatum, which just now for Germany is of equal importance with the peace conditions of the Entente.

The Boersen Zeitung asserted that the party leaders had directly or indirectly benefited by the chaos, and charged the whole trouble to the Independent Socialist Party, which, it declared, had been guilty of extortion.

The Berlin executive heads of the Food Distribution Department announced that the city's reserve of frozen meat, of which there were 3,000,000 pounds in January, was exhausted. Herds of cattle were being rapidly depleted. The potato supply would last until June, but apart from that the general food conditions in Berlin, already serious enough, were fast going from bad to worse.

TREATY WITH LENIN What purported to be the substance of a treaty entered into by Herr Kautzky, leader of the German Socialists in Moscow, on behalf of the German Government, and Lenin and Tchitcherin of the Russian Bolshevist Government was disclosed by The London Daily Telegraph correspondent at Warsaw in a dispatch of April 21. This treaty was said to have been accepted by the Russian Central Executive Committee the previous week. Its main clauses were given as follows:

The Bolshevist Government shall apply a milder policy toward Russian industry, munitions and arms factories In particular.

The Germans shall set in order the Russian railway system.

The Germans will send some thousands of military instructors to the Russian Army.

Russia undertakes to send every year an agreed amount of provisions to Germany. Russia binds herself not to enter into any negotiations with the Entente.

In case of need for the next twenty years—that is. till 1039—Russia will provide Germany with military assistance.

The last paragraph deals with a guarantee that the treaty shall remain in force even In the event of the Bolsheviki being replaced by some other Government. It is said that this paragraph is very satisfactory to Germany.

MACKENSEN-S PLIGHT An interview with Field Marshal von Mackensen in the Karolyi chateau in Hungary, where he was a prisoner in the country he had freed from Russian invasion, contained this passage:

I cannot get over the thought that the Hungarians broke their word of honor ■with me. Despite Karolyi's assurance that he would transfer my quarters quietly from Arad to Papa, my locomotive was run to Budapest by Hungarian drivers. At the Budapest station I received the word of honor of the Hungarian Major, in the name of Count Karolyi, that I could board my train again unmolested, but I was nevertheless Informed at the Ministry that I would be interned in Budapest.

I did not hesitate to show my indignation and declined to remain there, in the neighborhood of the French. Then came the proposal of the chateau at Foth, to

which I had to accede, under compulsion and protest.

Shortly afterward the German Field Marshal was removed under threat of force by the French commandant of occupation to Count Chotek's castle in Southern Hungary, where he remained a prisoner. He was almost the last of his entire army, as he had refused to leave Hungarian soil until all his soldiers had been transported back to Germany.


In connection with complaints in Germany that the old order of so-called superior persons still maintained its grip on the Foreign Office and the Diplomatic Service, the Frankfurter Zeitung of March 25 printed a long list of changes to prove that the Ebert Government was proceeding apace in eliminating officials dyed with Kaiserism. Ambassadors, Ministers, Secretaries, Privy Councilors, and Consuls had gone by the board in a surprising number since the entry of Count von Brockdorff-Rantzau upon his duties as Foreign Minister. The personnel of the Foreign Office, never large, had been reduced to barely two hundred. Privileged intrenchment of the landed nobility was taken in hand by Paul Hirsch, head of the new Prussian Government, who issued a decree on March 15 ordering the cutting up of the big family real estate holdings and the dissolution of entails before April 1, 1925. Some 5,000,000 acres became subject to the order. If the estates were not voluntarily broken within the time allotted, the State would step in and do so by force.

Efforts of anti-Junkers to prove that Field Marshal von Hindenburg was not always the " simple soldier " he professed to be, but a politician and a reactionary, resulted in the publication of a letter from the Field Marshal to the former Emperor dated Jan. 7, 1917. In part von Hindenburg wrote:

I hope your Majesty will allow me to say a word about the Social Democracy. The Social Democratic tendencies are, in truth, not nearly so widespread as might be supposed from the showing made by their leaders and the consideration they enjoy. In the beginning of the war the Social Democratic part of the working class population broke away from Its leaders in general, so that the latter had to fall into line. Unfortunately, the Government did not undertake to take over the leadership. So the leadership has gradually drifted again into the hands of the Social Democratic chiefs. But these are today more than ever " me-tooers."

But there are already dangerous signs of growth to be seen. The Soci: 1 Democratic Working Group [the- eighteen Reichstag Deputies who broke away from the Majority Socialists In March, 1016, and laid the foundations for the Independent Socialist Party] entertains the lowest instincts, and even the Social Democratic Majority is compelled, in order not to lose its influence, to plead for all the demands of its followers, no matter how silly and unjust they may be. Therefore, although a Social Democratic danger does not exist at present, still it is high time for the Government to tighten the reins.

The greatest worry at present is as to how the feelings of the people are working. Their sentiments must be raised or we shall lose the war. Our allies also need to have their backbone stiffened or there will be danger of their dropping out. Besides, it is necessary to solve the most serious internal problems of economics and the most important questions for the future, the food policy, preparations for the transition to peace, &c. The question arises if the Chancellor [Bethmann Hollweg] is in a position to solve these problems—and they must be solved correctly or else we are lost.


A Berlin dispatch of April 29 told of the rush of former Governmental, political, and military leaders into book print. It was suggested that some of them were "running to get under cover," and that forthcoming publications promised interesting recriminations and revelations. Among the most notable of these works were two large volumes by the former Imperial Chancellor, Dr. von Bethmann Hollweg, and a combination effort by the former Minister of the Navy, Admiral von Tirpitz; the former Prussian Minister of War and State, Lieut. Gen. von Stein, and Colonel von Lettow-Vorbeck, commander of the German troops in East Africa. The foreign rights of the latter were offered for $250,000.

Publication of the allied indictment of the former Emperor brought a review of

the estimate in which he had come to be held by the mass of the German people. They no longer feared him, and regarded him "as a theatrical villain, whose vainglorious almightiness led to Germany's downfall. They blamed him for not dying on the battlefield, but fleeing, coward-like, from the consequences of his misdeeds. Smarting under the consciousness of having permitted such a man to rule for thirty years, they preferred to bury William's memory forever. If a plebiscite were required to decide upon his surrender to the Allies, it was believed an overwhelming majority would vote in favor of it."


On May 2 Field Marshal von Hindenburg tendered his resignation to President Ebert. In his letter he wrote: During the transitional period I considered it my duty to serve the Fatherland, but with the conclusion of a preliminary peace my task will be fulfilled, and my desire to retire, in view of my advanced age, will be universally understood, the more so because it is known how hard it has become for me, in view of my opinions and my entire personality and the past, to continue to exercise my office.

President Ebert replied, assenting to the Field Marshal's request, and expressed the "undying thanks" of the German people for von Hindenburg's services and self-sacrifice.

The text of the correspondence which passed between Chancellor Scheidemann and General Ludendorff over the "plunger" controversy was given out from official sources in Washington May 5. Mainly Ludendorff strove to prove that he had not "played like a gambler with the fate of the German people intrusted to me," either during the war or in events leading up to the armistice. The only response vouchsafed by Scheidemann reads as follows:

In reply to your letter, I must return to the subject later on. For a provisional answer I refer to the inclosed publication circulated by the W. T. B. A final picture of your Excellency's attitude on the armistice question will appear from the documents that the Imperial Government will publish shortly and which will comprise the contents of the documents of October-November, 1918. Tour Excellency's desire to answer

before a State tribunal for your desires and actions can be satisfied only when the final constitution and the State tribunal provided for by it is passed.


Popular resentment against the terms of the peace treaty took the form of big demonstrations in Berlin, Breslau, Danzig, Konigsberg, Cassel, and other places. These demonstrations were organized by the National People's Party. A national week of mourning was proclaimed. It was generally observed except in the small State of Gotha. A Berlin message of May 12 conveyed news from Upper Silesia that the whole German population there was greatly excited over the peace treaty, including even the Independent Socialists. Mass meetings and processions took place at Oppeln, in

which miners' associations joined, carrying black, white, and red flags, and singing German songs. These demonstrations were "for defense against those who would make them Polish."

An Amerongen message of May 9 stated that an official abstract of the peace terms, published in the Dutch newspapers, was translated and read to the ex-Kaiser. No information as to the manner in which the former ruler received the clause relative to his own fate was obtainable. He was reported to be vigorously engaged in his chosen pastime of sawing wood in company with his physician, Dr. Foerster. A further precaution against intrusion upon his privacy was taken by erecting a high fence along the entire side of the castle moat.

Starting the German Revolution

How the Committee of Ten Planned the Movement That Disorganized the Kaiser's Forces


[Mr. Danziger entered Germany as a war correspondent in May, 1915, and remained there until Dec. 30, 1918. After the American declaration of war he was interned in Berlin with permission to leave the house during daylight hours. The revolutionists, when they gained control, restored his full freedom of action. Having made many acquaintances among labor and Socialist leaders, he was enabled to secure a detailed and exclusive account of the events leading up to the revolution, part of which are here related. Mr. Danziger was permitted by the revolutionists to use the wireless station at Nauen, and sent the first direct communication that had passed between Germany and the United States since the American declaration of war. On Nov. 18, 191S, he sent a long radio message to Mr. Baker, Secretary of War, informing the Government in regard to the character and progress of the German revolution.]

THE revolution in Germany seemed a spontaneous outburst to the world at large. No hint of what was coming was permitted to cross the borders, and once started it spread in a few days from the North Sea to Tyrol; like some mysterious force it leaped from town to town, from province to province, from one grand duchy to the adjoining kingdom, until the entire nation rang with the battlecry: "Let us have peace and the rule of the people!" But this was only as it appeared to the outsider, who was uncon

scious of what had been going on behind the scenes for nearly three years.

Two other war correspondents and myself determined to remain in Germany after our Government had declared war, intent on being witnesses of the great historic events in preparation. My two colleagues were recalled by their papers, and it remained for me to be the only American who witnessed the revolution, and who succeeded in securing the secret history of the events preceding it. Details of the revolution are most difficult to obtain. The men who know them will

not, for the most part, speak of them until affairs become more settled, and if they speak at all it is only in the strictest confidence. This is, therefore, so far as I know, the first time the story of the preliminaries to the revolution have ever been printed.

It was Max Hafner, boatswain in the imperial navy and former revolutionary commandant of the Schloss, the five-century-old palace of the Hohenzollerns in Berlin, who gave me the first detailed account of the Committee of Ten and its operations. His story was corroborated in detail, although piecemeal, by Karl Liebknecht and Emil Barth, and another Socialist, who made me promise never to reveal his name. Fate has dealt harshly with the men who made the German revolution possible. Hafner was killed during the attack by the Government troops on the Vorwarts Building in Berlin, where he and about thirty of his comrades were buried in the ruins. Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg both died at the hands of assassins during the same disturbances. Ledebour has long been held a prisoner, and Barth was compelled to resign his office as one of the Commissioners of the people under the Provisional Government.

Both Bart and Haase had told me that they intended to remain in office and fight their opponents of the Majority Party from within the administration, notwithstanding the disaffection of their party with the decisions of the Congress of Workers' and Soldiers' Delegates. They made this statement two days before their resignation, and had evidently not counted on Dittmann, the third Independent Socialist on the Board of Commissioners. Dittmann is more temperamental and less calculating than the other two, and during the turbulent December days he forced the party to demand the withdrawal of all of their representatives in the Government. By this move every one of the men who had been instrumental in inserting the thin edge of the wedge under the throne of the Hohenzollerns was eliminated from further participation in the Government they had helped to create. In the late Summer of 1915 it became

apparent that the war would continue for an indefinite number of years; in fact, that it would continue until one or all of the contestants were utterly exhausted, unless some powerful climax put an end to the blood-letting. It was then that a small group of German radicals decided to terminate the world's torment by other than military means and as quickly as possible. Barth, Liebknecht, Ledebour, Hafner, and Richard Miiller, afterward Chairman of the Executive Council of Berlin, were appointed a committee on organization. Early in 1916 five soldiers were added to the committee, which was henceforth known in revolutionary circles as the Committee of Ten. Barth was elected Chairman, more because of his popularity among the masses than because of any great executive ability. The work was begun by privately circulating a series of letters signed "Spartacus," after the famous Thessalonian gladiator who, with his band of 10,000 insurgents, held the mighty power of Rome at bay for a number of years. Most of the Spartacus letters were written by Ledebour, but the authorities had no definite proof of this, and because he was a member of the Reichstag they feared to arrest him without sufficient evidence.


The Spartacus letters were widely disseminated and awakened a quick response, not only among the working classes, but even among men high in the social scale, who were heartily disgusted with the war and its needless prolongation. I know of at least one big manufacturer whose American plant has recently been sold by the Custodian of Alien Property for $7,000,000 who contributed liberally to the Spartacus fund. The two daughters of a world-famous magneto manufacturer were also reputed followers of the Spartacus group. But, after all, it was from the wage earner that the greater part of the contributions flowed. These men were earning unprecedented wages, and now if ever was their chance to overthrow the junker system with the Kaiser at its head.

The agitation was inaugurated in the army in January, 1916. This was dif

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