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with the method of applying the principles were agreed upon and referred to the Editing Committee.

TARIFF ADJUSTMENTS

It was announced at Washington on March 5 that President Wilson had directed Dr. F. W. Taussig, Chairman of the United States Tariff Commission, to proceed to Paris at once to take part in the readjustment of commercial treaties and similar problems now under consideration at Paris. Bernard M. Baruch, who was Chairman of the War Industries Board, then in Paris with Chairman McCormick of the War Trade Board, asked that Dr. Taussig be sent to Paris, and President Wilson directed that he go. Dr. Taussig sailed from New York on the transport Great Northern.

[The Tariff Commission was authorized by Congress to investigate the tariff relations between the United States and foreign countries, commercial treaties, preferential provisions, economic alliances, and the effect of export bounties and preferential transportation rates. For two years it has been making a study of commercial treaties, reciprocity, preferential arrangements, bargaining tariffs, and colonial tariff systems in detail, and has already sent a very large mass of material to Paris for use by the American Peace Commission.]

MILITARY TERMS IMPOSED

On motion of the United States, made March 6, the provision for neutralization of the Kiel Canal was referred to the Waterways Commission. The United States reserved the right to object to a provision for the destruction of existing submarines and the restriction of their future use.

Mr. Lloyd George pointed out that the armistice with Germany had political as well as military consequences, and insisted on strengthening the terms drafted by the military experts in regard to the German Navy.

At the session of the Supreme Council held on March 7 Premier Lloyd George made an address in regard to the military terms of the preliminary peace with Germany. He brought forward a proposal for reducing the German Army

much below the 200,000 men previously proposed. This was tentatively approved, although all the military terms were still subject to revision.

Information was given as to the interruption of the negotiations at Spa regarding the surrender of the German merchant fleet, and Mr. Lansing submitted a proposal of legal arbitration in regard to the German cables.

Premier Lloyd George, Premier Clemenceau, and Colonel E. M. House conferred March 7 in an effort to iron out the differences of the three nations over military, naval, and economic questions connected with the preliminary peace terms. Army and navy experts of the several countries, it was said, had been unable to agree on the terms.

Finally, on March 10, the Supreme Council agreed on the following terms to be imposed on Germany:

An army limited in size to 100,000 men and 4,000 officers.

The Imperial General Staff abolished.

No conscription. Instead, there will be a twelve-year enlistment method which will prevent her accumulating a large reservoir of men who have been trained previously. There was reason to believe that this anticonscription precedent will guide the conference and the League of Nations later in their deliberations for world peace. All Rhine forts to be destroyed.

The output of all munitions factories drastically limited.

All remaining military equipment to be surrendered to the Allies or destroyed.

The United States, Great Britain, France, and Italy were said to be in perfect accord with regard to practically all the clauses of the treaty-military, naval, territorial, and economical-and the speed at which this agreement was reached has surprised even the most opti mistic.

REVISING BELGIUM'S STATUS

The report of the commission on Belgian affairs, charged with investigation of the differences between Belgium and Holland, was submitted to the Supreme Council on March 7. It advised that the three treaties of 1839, establishing the status of Belgium and Holland, be revised by the council, as they are now "useless and disadvantageous to Belgium."

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The proposed revision of the treaties would restore Belgium's complete sovereignty and eliminate her neutrality, which afforded no protection and is now distasteful. It was said that Holland would be summoned before "the Big Five" soon to discuss the revision of the treaties.

The United States informed the Allies on March 7 that we would be satisfied with the amounts collected by the Alien Property Custodian and would not ask for further reparation from Germany or Austria.

American experts were in England helping the other allies to determine how much the Central Powers were able to pay. Estimates varied from $25,000,000,000 to $50,000,000,000, with a tendency to settle on an amount somewhere between the two figures.

Our experts figured that the four Central Powers had between $4,000,000,000 and $5,000,000,000 of assets which they would be able to furnish to the victorious nations within two years.

PRESIDENT WILSON'S ARRIVAL

The complete military, naval, and aerial terms of the peace treaty were wirelessed on March 7 to President Wilson at sea, by the American military and naval advisers, with notations and reservations.

The French Government sent a special train to Brest to meet the Presidential party, which arrived on March 14. On it were several Cabinet officers, Foreig Minister Pichon, Minister of Marine Leygues, Captain André Tardieu of the French peace delegation, and others. Colonel Edward M. House and a number of members of the delegation were also on board the train.

Premier Clemenceau, as President of the Peace Conference, sent a letter March 10 to the head of the Interallied

Commission at Trieste advising him that the Military Commission appointed by the Supreme Council to investigate the Italo-Jugoslav incidents, which had caused acute feeling between the two peoples, would proceed at once to Laibach.

The Supreme Council considered communications from the Armistice Commission regarding the situation in Poland on March 11. At the request of the Czechoslovak Republic concerning German, Austrian, and Hungarian intrigues against the new State the council considered the reports and decided to investigate them as soon as documentary evidence is received.

The council decided that the question of the Turkish boundaries should not be passed upon by the Boundaries Commission, but should be acted upon by the Supreme Council.

WOULD INTERNATIONALIZE RHINE

Recommendation that the navigation of the Rhine be opened to all nations without discrimination was made in a report to the Peace Conference March 12 by the Commission on the International Control of Waterways, Railways, and Ports. It was suggested that the Rhine be controlled by a commission similar to the Danube ommission.

The status of the Kiel Canal was settled by the commission on the basis of freedom of use for all nations for merchant vessels or warships in time of peace. If this plan should be adopted, the canal would continue under German ownership and operation. The question of the fortification of the canal was left by the commission to the decision of military and naval experts.

The report of the commission was not favorable to allowing the Belgian claim that special duties be imposed on German vessels.

It further recommended that a general conference be held within a year to deal with all questions pertaining to the navigation of international waterways which should be regarded as too intricate or complex to be settled finally within the limited life of the Peace Conference. The Commission on Reparation March

12 began examination of the principles of the joint liability to be established among enemy States indebted to the allied and associated powers. The representatives of Italy, Serbia, Rumania, and Poland explained the views of their Governments on the subject.

GERMANY'S DELEGATES

A Weimar dispatch dated March 12 announced that the German delegates to the Peace Conference would be Count von Brockdorff-Rantzau, the Foreign Minister; Dr. Eduard David, Majority Socialist, and first President of the National Assembly; Max Warburg; Dr. Adolph Müller, Minister to Switzerland; Professor Walther M. A. Schücking of Marburg University, and Herr Geisberg, Minister of Posts and Telegraph in the Prussian Ministry.

Count von Brockdorff-Rantzau acted as Foreign Minister after the resignation of Dr. Solf.

Dr. David is a member of the German Ministry without portfolio.

Max Warburg was a business man of Hamburg and has been an official of the Hamburg-American Steamship Line.

Dr. Müller was formerly director of the Electric Accumulator Works at Berlin and in July, 1915, received an honorary degree from the University of Hanover for his work in developing the efficiency of German submarines.

Professor Schücking late in 1914 published a letter, blaming Russia for the European war.

AERIAL TERMS

The aerial terms of German disarmament, as adopted by the Supreme War Council on March 12, provide that airplanes and dirigibles should no longer be used for military purposes. The only exception was that Germany would be permitted to use until Oct. 1 100 seaplanes and 1,000 men to gather mines in the North Sea.

The British and American delegates brought up the question of a distinction between military and commercial aerial navigation. The council concluded that it was not feasible to ban airplanes for commercial uses, which would be allowed in Germany after the conclusion of peace under certain guarantees. The Drafting Committee was directed to make clear the distinction excepting commercial airplanes in the terms incorporated in the peace terms.

The council decided to send an aeronautic commission to Germany to investigate the question of commercial aerial navigation. Deputy Aubigny of the French Chamber was appointed Chair

man.

In a report submitted on March 18 the commission appointed to consider plans for an international air code announced that the British proposals had been, in the main, accepted. The proposals accepted may be summed up as follows: Each nation was entitled to sovereignty over the air above it, subject to the granting of permission for the passage of foreign aviators. There was to be no discrimination against any nation by another. Air pilots were to be licensed on an international basis. International rules were to govern the right of way for airplanes and airships. DRAFT OF MILITARY AND NAVAL TERMS ADOPTED

The Supreme War Council resumed its sessions on March 17 with President Wilson in attendance for the first time since he returned from the United States. Marshal Foch, Field Marshal Haig, General Diaz, and British, French, and American Admirals, as well as Premiers and Foreign Ministers of the five great powers with experts, bringing war maps and a draft of the military, naval, and aerial articles of the peace treaty, were present. This draft the council considered and adopted in the main, though several details remained open. President Wilson agreed to all features of the terms which Secretary Lansing and Colonel House had accepted at previous

Germany must deliver all her airplanes to the Allies, and must prohibit the construction of other airplanes until the conclusion of peace. The terms did not decide the future fate of the airplanes, which might be destroyed or divided sessions. These included the plan for among the Allies.

reducing

Germany's army to 100,000

men, recruited by the volunteer system, and a limitation on arms, munitions, and other war stores.

The Supreme Council appointed a commission on aeronautics, of which American members were to be Rear Admiral Harry S. Knapp and Brig. Gen. Mason M. Patrick. The council named Belgium, Greece, Portugal, Brazil, Cuba, and Rumania to represent the small nations.

LEAGUE OF NATIONS

There were daily sessions of the Committee on the League of Nations, beginning March 18. President Wilson said that the decision reached by the Peace Conference at its plenary session of Jan. 25 to the effect that the establishment of a League of Nations should be made an integral part of the treaty of peace, was of final force, and that there was no basis for the reports that a change in this decision was contemplated.

views on the League of Nations. The invitation was sent by the Conference authorities to the Ministers of the neutral powers in Paris, who forwarded it to their Governments. There was a prompt response, and long before the 20th the neutral delegates had begun arriving in Paris.

The first meeting was held at the Hotel de Crillon, the American headquarters, in the same room where the League covenant had been framed. Lord Robert Cecil of Great Britain was Chairman and Premier Venizelos of Greece, Dr. M. R. Vesnitch of Serbia, Paul Hymans of Belgium, Colonel E. M. House of the United States, and Leon Bourgeois of France sat as members of the sub-commission. Thirteen neutral powers were represented by Ambassadors, Ministers, and delegates, with retinues of military and civilian attachés. The nations directly represented were Norway,

The resolution adopted at that time by Persia, Salvador, Switzerland, Argenthe Conference was as follows:

First-It is essential to the maintenance of the world settlement, which the associated nations are now met to establish, that a League of Nations be created to promote international co-operation, to insure the fulfillment of accepted interna tional obligations, and to provide safeguards against war.

Second-This League should be treated as an integral part of the general Treaty of Peace and should be open to every civilized nation which can be relied upon to promote its objects.

Third-The members of the League should periodically meet in international conference and should have a permanent organization and Secretariat to carry on the business of the League in the intervals between conferences.

An invitation was sent out by the Peace Conference to all the neutral nations in Europe, Asia, and South America, asking them to attend a private and unofficial conference in Paris on Thursday, March 20, with the object of giving neutrals an opportunity to express their

tina, Spain, Holland, Denmark, and Sweden.

Switzerland offered the largest number of amendments, being largely changes in phraseology. The Spanish delegate, Manuel G. Hontorio, personal friend of King Alfonso, also took an active part in the discussion. The Argentine Minister reserved action until instructions were received from his Government.

A Swiss amendment concerning the Monroe Doctrine was offered in writing. It was favorably regarded in American quarters as expressing adherence to the doctrine in such form as might prove acceptable and at the same time sefeguard national sovereignty. Other amendments suggested urged an increase in the number of small nations admitted to the executive control of the League, the reduction of armaments, and the control of munition manufacturers.

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Brief Biographies of the Delegates Who Are Shaping the Treaty of Peace at Paris

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Born in La Vendée seventy-seven years ago, his career was as varied as his political principles were consistent. He studied medicine, but while still a student he was drawn into the fiery enthusiasms of the young Republican movement against the Second Empire and was, indeed, sentenced to two months' imprisonment for the too free expression of his ardor for a republic. left Paris a few years before the war of 1870 and went in search of fortune to America. There he earned a living as a journalist and as a teacher in a seminary for young ladies. He returned to Europe on the eve of the Franco-Prussian War. He took part in the fateful proceedings of the National Assembly at Bordeaux, and is the only signatory still living of the protest of the Deputies of Alsace-Lorraine against the wrong done to France in the conditions of the Frankfurt Treaty.

M. Clemenceau was first returned to the Chamber of Deputies in 1876, and sat there without a break until 1893. He has much of the Jacobin austerity and the Jacobin hatred of compromise. When he first entered the normal political life of the country he found that many of the men with whom he had fought for the establishment of a real republic had grown stale and sedate, and he refused to have any dealings with the opportunism which turned the French

Republic from a really frank social redicalism into a great machine for contenting the bourgeoisie. This was what made him a critic and a destroying force for the greater part of his life. The ferocity of his attacks upon Ministers, the ruthlessness with which he fought on one side or the other during Presidential elections, the splendid vigor of his journalistic- campaigns led to his being called the Warwick of France," or "the Tiger."

The skill and success with which M. Clemenceau fought Boulangism, just before the Panama scandal, earned him the enmity of the whole Nationalist movement connected with the name of Déroulède. This enmity, combined with the opposition created among radicals by his onslaught upon their timid opportunism, drove him for some ten years from the Chamber, and had to seek in increased activity as a journalist full expression for his views. In many ways M. Clemenceau is the greatest journalist France has produced in the last hundred years.

His long period of exile from Parliament only served to increase his real power in influencing the policies of France. He fought the cause of Dreyfus in the press with astounding clearness and precision. His action in this, as well as in other upheavals and scandals of those days, made it almost impossible for him to maintain his purely critical and negative attitude. He was again returned to the Chamber in 1902, and became Prime Minister and Minister of the Interior in 1906. His Government lasted until 1909.

During the war M. Clemenceau has been an unsparing critic of administrative delay and a firm advocate of getting on with the war to the exclusion of everything else. The failure of successive Governments to deal firmly and radically with the material problems of supply, and to break away from the old peace-time traditions of the "République des Camarades," was bound eventually to result in a national demand for the presence of a really strong man at the head of affairs. In the Summer of 1917 M. Clemenceau burst the Bolo bubble in the Senate, and from that day on, in spite of all the efforts of lobby politicians, his advent to power could not be prevented. He succeeded M. Painlevé as Prime Minister in November, 1917, when the situation, in spite of the promise of American support, was extremely black.

The new Prime Minister set to work with characteristic energy, and before he had been in power four or five months, the flagging war spirit of France had been revived. M. Clemenceau's opponents, who are mostly to be found on the extreme Left, among the

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