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war, the socialists in this country at first took a definite position for neutrality and against militarism and war. Later some of the leaders of the party, particularly Iglesias, the one socialist in the Cortes, strongly urged that Spain enter the war on the side of the Allies. These sentiments, however, were not shared by the rank and file of the party.

The Strike of 1917.— Throughout the war economic disturbances broke out in many centers of population. In March, 1917, the General Workers' Union and the General Confederation of Labor issued a manifesto in which they declared that, unless the economic situation was relieved by social legislation, a general strike was inevitable. During the early summer strikes became more frequent, and, finally, a railway strike was called, followed by a general strike, in which demands were made both for political and economic reforms. Claiming that the object of this strike was the revolutionary overthrow of the government, the ministry dispatched federal troops to industrial centers, shot down hundreds of workers and arrested scores of others.

The Socialist Victories. Among those arrested were such strike leaders as Signores Julian Besteiro, a university professor, Caballero, Anguiano and Saborit. These were tried and sent to Santa Barbara prison at Cartagena under a life sentence. In the succeeding municipal elections in December, 1917, all four prisoners were nominated as candidates for the municipal chamber in Madrid and elected at the head of the polls. Their election, however, was declared invalid, on the ground that they were prisoners.

In the subsequent elections in the late Spring of 1918, their names were placed on the socialist ticket again, and again they were overwhelmingly victorious, the socialist

program on the lines of the Zimmerwald and Kienthal conferences.

The membership of the older party showed a considerable decrease during the year on account of this secession of the Young Socialists, although the September, 1917, elections indicated a socialist gain of eleven seats, the Social Democratic Party electing 86 of their candidates, and the Young Socialists, 12.

Democratizing the Constitution. In the early Fall of 1917, both the Socialist and the Liberal parties fought against the Conservatives on the three issues of (1) reform of the upper house, (2) votes for women, and (3) government by parliamentary majority. The conservatives, who went into the elections with 86 seats, witnessed the return of but 57, and M. Schwartz, the Premier, was forced to resign. The Liberal Party, with 62 seats out of 230, thereupon united with the socialist moderate group, with its 86 seats, and formed a coalition governIment with M. Eden at its head and three socialist cabinet members, including M. Branting, the leader of the Social Democratic Party, and the first socialist to sit in the Swedish legislature, Baron Palmsierna and M. Ryden among its members. After a few months, Branting resigned.

For the next two years, the liberal and socialist groups fought for a more liberal constitution. While they held a majority in the lower house, they were in a minority in the upper chamber (62 against 86), and here their proposals were constantly held up. The threat of revolution because of this attitude and the warning of the German revolution, however, finally forced the upper chamber, in December, 1918, to yield to the liberal demands. Under the new constitution, women were given the vote, property qualifications in the election of the upper house were

a representative to the second gathering at Stockholm. The representative, however, was denied passports.

THE BALKANS

Servia. The socialists in the Balkans throughout the war were placed in a particularly difficult position. The Servian socialists remained anti-war throughout, indorsed the Zimmerwald Conference, and sent delegates to the meeting called immediately after the second Stockholm Conference. After the German invasion it was not permitted to hold meetings which dealt directly or indirectly with the war.

Rumania. From the very beginning of the European War, the Rumanian socialists agitated for peace, and it was this agitation that was, to a considerable extent, responsible for the neutrality of the country for some sixteen months after war broke out. This crisis again led to persecution. Dr. Rakowsky was arrested and imprisoned incommunicado. When the Germans overrode Rumania, he was taken to Russia and there imprisoned, but released with the revolution, becoming a member of the Russian Soviet.

The war greatly demoralized the movement, and, under the German rule, as in Servia, it was next to impossible to hold meetings. Two huge gatherings, were, however, held in Bucharest in 1917, one to agitate for a reduction of the high cost of living, the other to demand peace. The socialist vote in 1910 was but 1,557, in 1914, 2,047. In the Summer of 1919, the Socialist Club of Bucharest was closed by the Rumanian authorities, and socialist meetings prohibited. Rumanian socialists in Paris issued a protest in August against the attack of Rumanian militarism against the Hungarian Soviet Republic.

Bulgaria. The Bulgarian socialists divided into the

NORWAY

Anti-Militarism. The Social Democratic Party of Norway has, for the past few years, taken a decidedly more radical position than has the majority party in the sister country of Sweden. The party conducted an energetic anti-militarist campaign throughout the European

war.

Control by Left Wing. At the Spring convention, in 1918, the left wing groups obtained complete control of the party. The convention voted, against the opposition of the executive committee, to invite the left wing of the Swedish socialist movement to participate in the convention. It defeated the committee's resolution which condemned "a dictatorship of force, either from the upper classes or from the working classes," and which appealed to the workers to rally to their trade unions and to political organizations as a means of protection. On the other hand, it passed, by a vote of 158 to 127, the left wing resolutions in substance as follows:

"The Socialist Party cannot recognize the right of the possessing class to economic exploitation of the working class, even if this exploitation is supported by a majority in Parliament. The Norwegian Labor Party must, therefore, reserve to itself the right to employ mass action or revolution in the struggle for the emancipation of the working class."

The party also expressed its approval of the formation of soldiers' and workmen's councils. The proposal to undertake a military strike, however, was defeated by a vote of 115 to 120.

Party Strength. At the 1915 cured one-third of the total vote.

election, the party seDuring the year 1918

it enrolled 10,000 new members, making a total of 80,000 in all.

The trade union movement in Norway is more conservative than are the socialists and, in October, 1918, voted against sabotage and the general strike.

SMALLER EUROPEAN COUNTRIES

BELGIUM

On account of foreign occupation, it was impossible for the Belgian socialists effectively to function during the war. However, the party did effective work in the feeding of the population, in defending the workers against interference by the Germans and in promoting international conferences. In November, 1919, the socialists increased their representation in the Chamber of Deputies from about 40 to 70, the Catholics electing 73, a loss of 26 seats; the Liberals, 34, a loss of 11. The Socialists obtained the largest popular vote of any party.

HOLLAND

Peace Activities. The Dutch socialists throughout the war kept up a consistent agitation in favor of neutrality. Troelstra, the leader of the Social Democratic Party, was also active during the war in an endeavor to bring about some agreement between the socialists of the Allies and those of the Central Powers.

The party likewise led in the campaign against the high cost of living, against militarism and in favor of political reforms. During the latter part of 1918, and the early part of 1919, food riots occurred throughout Holland, rumors of a revolution were widespread, and cries were

6 The Rapport du Bureau du Conseil Général sur L'Activité du Parti Ouvrier Pendant La Guerre compiled after the armistice gives a remarkable picture of these activities.

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