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criticism which has been aimed at the treaty that it “was made in the still smoldering furnace of human passion," and he explains that It is a fundamental mistake to assume that the treaty ends where it really begins. The signing of the document on June 28, 1919 at Versailles, did not complete its history; it really began it. The measure of its worth lies in the processes of its execution and the spirit in which it is carried out by all the parties to the contract. . . . In the Reparation Commission there was created a flexible instrument qualified to help effectuate a just and proper peace, if that desire and purpose be really present. When the world more fully and humanely understands and measures the problems in question they can be soberly and wisely resolved.
CHANDLER P. ANDERSON.
The Italian Emigration of Our Times. By Dr. Robert F. Foerster. Cambridge:
Harvard University Press. 1919. pp. xv, 556. Price $2.50.
Among the great fields of migration today Italy, no doubt, easily ranks first. From 1869, when a hundred thousand emigrants were recorded, the number has gradually increased until, in the years just before the World War, 179 out of every thousand inhabitants were leaving Italy annually.
Why this great departure? The answer is simple. The effects upon agriculture of deforestation,—which has gone hand in hand with the abolition of feudalism and the secularization of ecclesiastical lands; lack of education of the great mass of people,-in the provinces in the south, from which most of the emigrants come, as many as three out of four above the age of six years being unable to read or write; the scourge of malaria, and the results of absenteeism and the agrarian contracts (the evils of which are now reported to have been materially decreased by legislation enacted since this book was published), are the reasons given by Dr. Foerster for a production that is greatly insufficient to sustain the large and rapidly increasing population.
The author has followed the Italian emigrants into the various states to which they have gone in Europe, Africa and America, with the purpose of determining whether the economic benefits that have come to these states and to the emigrants themselves compensate for the loss that Italy has suffered as a state by the world-wide dispersion of such a large part of her race. His answer is in the negative, and he concludes that only by remedying conditions so that Italians may remain at home will Italy be able to continue her notable contribution to civilization.
Dr. Foerster has divided Italian emigration into three periods: the first, until the year 1895, in which period emigration was deplored; the second, from 1895-1908, when emigration was deemed necessary on account of the economic problems which faced the country; and the third, from the year 1908 to the present time, in which period it was considered that on account of the benefits to the state, emigration should be cherished and enlarged under proper direction.
When this last idea developed, the Italian Government began providing assistance for the emigrants in foreign lands by establishing legal bureaus for their protection, and in case of death under circumstances establishing liability to see that indemnity was paid and forwarded to their heirs in Italy. These bureaus have been under the direction of the consuls, who, for the most part, have been capable and efficient and anxious to serve their countrymen.
The author, however, feels that Italian emigration, even though it has brought certain economic advantages, has been a distinct evil. His suggestion is that rather than seek to help the emigrant after he reaches the foreign land, the work should start at home. Certainly the state should provide an adequate system of schools throughout the land. Reclamation of the land under the direction of forestry experts and engineers would go far toward providing a livelihood for a greater per cent. of the population.
Many may disagree with the author's statement that Italy's work in helping the emigrants abroad, rather than at home, has been prompted by imperialistic motives. The part that she played in the World War would hardly seem to justify such a conclusion. All, however, will agree with the suggestion-and it is with this part of the work that the student of international relations is concerned- that at this time, when we are seeking to establish national rights and obligations and to lessen the causes for international misunderstanding, we cannot afford to overlook the great problems of emigration. The time is ripe for instituting international conferences to advise concerning matters of emigration. The topics suggested for consideration are: (1) the adoption of standards of fitness for emigrants; (2) the distribution of fit emigrants; (3) the question of citizenship and means of avoiding the disturbing problems of dual citizenship; and (4) the protection of emigrants. Such a plan merits earnest consideration.
May it not also be suggested that in the meantime the United States should take steps which would at least remedy certain unfortunate situations in respect to emigration and would help to remove those causes of ill feeling that have on occasions existed between the two countries in cases of alleged treaty violations.
There have been several misunderstandings between the two nations on account of the failure of local or State authorities in many parts of the United States to apprehend and punish the perpetrators of acts of mob violence. If legislation were enacted giving Federal courts jurisdiction in such cases, our government would then be in a position to fulfill the guaranty of the Italian treaty in respect to the protection of Italian subjects and their property. Further treaty provisions giving consular officers full rights of representation of absent or deceased countrymen would also aid materially in securing a better international understanding and coöperation.
The author points out that on account of local laws we have sometimes discriminated against non-resident alien heirs, and cites the Maiorano case," where a widow, on account of her non-residence, was not permitted to recover an indemnity for the death of her husband who was killed while employed on an American railroad. He fails to note, however, that the United States by ratifying the treaty of February 25, 1913, endeavored to correct this situation.
On account of the position of America and the regard in which she is held, it would seem eminently proper at this time of international readjustment to consider our own duty in providing for new treaties, and to be eager to coöperate in the work of an international convention, such as has been suggested.
1 Maiorano v. B. & 0. R. R. Co., 213 U. S. 268.
One can scarcely hope to have all his readers agree with his conclusions. The work of Dr. Foerster shows a scholarly study, a careful and painstaking analysis of causes and effects, and provides ample food for thought upon the important problems presented; and when one provokes thought upon a subject that is vital, he really has accomplished that which is, after all, most important.
CHARLES H. WATSON.
Mein Kriegs-Tagebuch. Vol. III: Das Dritte Kriegsjahr; Vol. IV: Das Vierte
Kriegsjahr und der Friede von Versailles. By Dr. Alfred H. Fried. Zurich : Max Rascher Verlag. 1919-1920. pp. 320, 461.
These concluding volumes of the war-diary of the Nobel Prize winner for 1911, give the impression of the accomplishment of a remarkable tour de force. Laboring under the conflicting emotions of loyalty to his own people and of abhorrence of the moral guilt of the German and Austrian Governments, Dr. Fried nevertheless detaches himself personally from the conflict and applies an objective and sane moral test to events and policies as the war progresses. He belongs to that small group of able men of the type of Foerster, Lammasch, Lichnowsky, Muehlon and Nicolai, who had the moral courage to brave the obloquy of their own countrymen by their opposition to an unrighteous war. The penalty which such men must pay has been visualized for us in Galsworthy's absorbing play, “The Mob.”
At each turn, the author endeavors to unmask the insincerity of the panGermans and militarists. Thus the intervention of Roumania on the side of the Entente was characterized in Berlin as a mere act of treachery. The author holds it up as a mirror wherein the defenders of the principle of military necessity may see reflected the implications of their own doctrines (III, p. 27). He defends President Wilson's message of January 22, 1917, “Peace without victory," as the crowning of the pacifist's ideal. He complains bitterly of the distortion to which this and other international documents are subjected at the hands of incompetent translators (III, p. 143). But this criticism might have applied with equal force to almost all countries during the war, and, indeed, for that matter to peace times as well.
Just as in the earlier volumes he correctly foresaw the intervention of the United States, so he now sounds a warning against the underestimation of American military strength. Make peace before it is too late,- to retreat in the face of overwhelming power is not shameful, provided the country may be saved. American intervention signifies the solidarity of the world under the banner of freedom and democracy. If the artificial bonds linking the peoples of Germany and Austria-Hungary to a wornout system could be removed, there could be peace on the morrow, and a new world would emerge (III, p. 199). Such were his thoughts in January, 1917. In April, he considers American intervention from another angle. A stiffening in the terms of the Allies and a threatened dismemberment of Austria-Hungary leads him to say: “I have such absolute faith in the disinterested pacifism of Wilson that I welcome his association with the Entente as the surest guarantee against the annihilation plans of Entente statesmen” (III, p. 212). This confidence he retains until the end of the war, only to lose it tragically during the Peace Conference,
The author never deviates from his rigid pacifist standards even under the greatest temptation. The award of the Nobel Prize in 1917 to the International Committee of the Red Cross he considers to have been a mistake, even though the great humanitarian purposes of the Red Cross are thus promoted. But, he maintains, the Nobel foundation should be regarded not as a sum of money, but as the crowning of an idea, the abolition of war; the amount of suffering which the Red Cross was able to relieve was small in comparison with the infinitude of misery caused by the war, which for the future can be overcome only by the abolition of war, not merely by ameliorating its effects (IV, p. 94).
The diary continues to the close of the Peace Conference, which to the author was a disappointment almost as grave as the war itself. “Wilson approaches like a saint bringing salvation after this most terrible trial. Will he be heard or will he also end upon the cross ?" (IV, p. 363). Curiously enough, he soon becomes an active opponent of Wilsonian policies and attacks the Covenant immediately after its presentation, upon the following grounds: because it relies preponderantly upon the dilatory method in the settlement of international disputes; because governments change, and a war-loving statesman may some day reduce the League to a mere formality by securing allies within the League; because it assumes a blind faith in the functioning of the machinery at critical moments. The author insists, instead, upon a change in the old methods by substituting a community of interest leading to more neighborly and upright international relations. “Lifeboats and lifebelts alone do not suffice against shipwreck if the ship itself is not built weatherstrong and seaworthy” (IV, p. 376). The author has by this time forgotten his earlier enthusiasm for both the dilatory method and the League (see II, pp. 7, 171, 263; IV, pp. 103, 232). Perhaps we should not judge him too severely as he returns to Vienna after four years, only to find his country dismembered and in ruins, many of his friends dead, his best hopes shattered. Under such circumstances, he is not in a psychological state to give us more than destructive criticism. He sees only the wide discrepancy between the technical efficiency of the present era and its weakened spiritual values. “Only a new humanity can bring redemption" (IV, p. 403).
In view of the recent publication in English of so many memoirs from enemy militarist sources, the reviewer ventures to hope that the present work will ultimately also appear in English form to make available to English readers the observations of this eminent Austrian pacifist. Most of the entries in this diary were published from day to day as the war progressed, free from editing ex post facto and therefore of permanent interest and value.
ARTHUR K. KUHN.
Transactions of the Grotius Society. Volume V, 1919. Problems of Peace and
War. London: Sweet & Maxwell, Ltd. 1920. pp. xxvi, 154. 6s.
This number of the Grotius Society papers contains less material on technical problems of international law than its predecessors, but furnishes more matter
than they gave us on international organization. Although not a symposium representing the entire association, for the views of but a few of the members are reported, and some of the writers are not members of it, we may distinguish this number from the others by calling it a League of Nations number. Seven of the writers deal more or less directly with this subject. F. N. Keen writes on the “Revision of the League of Nations Covenant”; Major David Davies, M.P., on “Disarmament,” referring to the article on armaments in the Covenant; and C. A. McCurdy, M.P., on "The League of Nations—The Work of Lawyers.” Right Hon. Syed Ameer Ali, who was present at one of the meetings, made an impromptu address on “Islam in the League of Nations,” and Miss Sophy Sanger, the first lady to address the Society, read a paper on “The International Labor Organization of the League of Nations.” E. A. Whittuck, whom we know in connection with his compilation of international documents, writes on “A Court of International Justice,” and compares the judicial institutions projected at The Hague conferences with the provision made for a court in the Covenant. Dr. W. Evans Darby approaches the question from a distance by giving an exposition of “Cardinal Alberoni's Proposed European Alliance for the Subjugation and Settlement of the Turkish Empire, 1735.” If Mr. Whittuck is admirably succinct in his statement of the arrangements for an international court, Dr. Darby sustains his reputation as discoverer of past plans for world organization.
It may be asked whether or not the members of the Grotius Society and their guests who went on record believe in the present League of Nations. Yes and no; but on the whole, yes, apparently with disinterestedness and without partisan bias such as might discount the views of an American, but with criticisms, reservations and recommendations that go so far as to propose a commission for the revision of the Covenant. Mr. Keen, who proposes the commission, is a friendly critic of the Covenant, but calls attention to a number of defects in it and to kinds of defects that might escape notice. The paper of Major Davies, if less analytical than that of Mr. Keen, is more speculative. He is strong for international police. He suggests that there should be organized under the League a headquarters force with divisions to preserve order distributed in different parts of the world. He advises as a remedy for the old system of national armaments, ever increasing and changing with new discoveries of science, that war's newest weapons-poison gas, war planes, heavy artillery and tanks—be ceded to the League, which alone should control new military inventions, together with submarines and the latest type of battleships, and that the armaments of the different states should be restricted to their protection from internal disturbances.
Mr. McCurdy, although a lawyer, introduces into his paper for the sake of provoking discussion, some broad moral and religious considerations rather than legal technicalities. He is impressed by the need of educating public opinion against war. He condemns the traditional international law of Grotius, which, in his judgment, is more respected in its breach than its observance. This system regards war as a normal occurrence, and has rules for the conduct of war and for the rights and duties of neutrals; but under the system which it is proposed to introduce by the Covenant, “the nations will no more dream of subscribing to a code for the conduct of war than national states at present