ing, so that those who use them will have to pay higher for them, or, it may be, do without them. In the latter case the trades will suffer by diminution of the amount of labour required. In the former, if they are articles which the members themselves require for use, whose will be the gain? But it may be that the members of one trade do not require much of what they produce. But if the Unions become general or universal, then all articles are equally raised in price-many of them being required for the use of those who have raised the prices, so that their increased wages will purchase no more than the lower rate at the natural level. There are,

it may be, exceptions, as in the case of trades which produce luxuries, of which the workmen do not care to participate, and in such cases as the capitalist has larger profits than are fair. It seems quite just that the labourer should have wages proportionate to the profits; and here Unions by which the labourers may get their due share, may seem to tend to the benefit of the producers. Where there is a surplus of population it will be found impossible to maintain this high wages' level. This has been found to be the case in England, and hence the determination of Mr. Arch to lessen that sum by emigration. Let us suppose that that scheme is carried out and Britain depleted of its population. Prices of labour have gone up, and of consequence the value of all manufactured articles. If in all countries the same high price were paid for labour, England might still maintain her position as manufacturer for the world. But it is hinted that Capital can emigrate too. China and Japan are the great cheap labour markets. What is to hinder those who have acquired vast Capital from sending it to Japan, already opened up, or to China which may any day be thrown open to European enterprise? The Chinese have been permitted to emigrate to America, there to come into successful competition with the European race. It would not be wonderful to find Capitalists from England admitted into the Celestial Empire, there to produce all sorts of manufactures. There is plenty of Coal and Iron in that land, and European art and manufacture may spring up there, if it be not permitted to bring the cheap labour to America, much less to Europe under the fostering hand of those Capitalists who might seem to be checkmated by Trades Unions and emigration schemes. All these possibilities and probabilities will require to be well weighed by Trades Unions and emigration agents. Steam, railways, and the mixing up of populations, have rendered easy what a half century ago would have seemed Utopian.

Spain is in a sad condition. It has a republican government at Madrid, which stills rules over the larger part of the country; a rebellion in favour of Don Carlos, the representive of Monarchy and its traditions; a revolted town and stronghold with ships of war superior far to these owned by what we may call the regular

Government. The Don Carlists and Carthagenians raise the means of their support by "requisition;" while the Madrid Government have to go through the more tedious forms of law in their collections of tribute. Then it is curious how the extreme opposites in politics coalesce. The Royalists are determined, should they succed, to establish the old faith and to permit no dissent; while the Socialists, who would abolish all religion and property rights, join the advocates of divine right in opposition to the more moderate republican party who now rule at Madrid. Where all this is to end, no one can as yet tell. At present, regular Government has its chief representative in Castelar, lately elected to the Presidency of the Cortes-a man of splendid oratorical ability, but whether a good political leader remains to be seen. The Duke of Wellington could marshal armies, but it was said by his literary critics that he could not marshal pronouns. Though Cæsar has considerable fame as an author and orator, it may be doubted whether Castelar will succeed as a politician. Lamartine was a political failure. The probability is that some military despot may yet be required to establish order in Spain.

It is but seldom that the British people find the temple of Janus shut. They were nearly getting into a conflict with the rebellionists of Carthagena because Admiral Yelverton persisted in taking out of the harbour and from beneath the guns of the fort, two war vessels seized by the British, we can hardly tell why, but apparently in the interests of the Government of Madrid. Why the British Navy should act as a police force for the Government of Spain is a mystery; and why, when they have begun to act in that capacity, they should confine their attention to these two vessels, while the rebels have many others at sea, we cannot divine. But they have escaped the war against the Spanish rebels. They have another inglorious strife to be waged against the Ashantees of the West Coast of Africa. The grievance of the Ashantees is that their territories are like those of Russia, inland, and they want a seaboard at present occupied by the Fantees. Why the English should prevent the Ashantees from carrying out this natural aspiration, we could at first hardly see. We thought that as it was a free fight they wanted to have a hand in it; their natural love of war being a sufficient reason for their participation. Then, friendship for the Fantees, with whom they have had the closest relations, might have induced them to take a side. The Ashantees, however, seem to have taken the initiative and to have invaded the English possessions on the coast. This we know cannot be permitted. The Colonial office falling heir to the disputes originated, as well as Government carried on, by the English merchants, must of course chastise the Ashantees, and it may be, take the whole territory both seaboard and interior under English jurisdiction.