screw, or French method, but since adopted by England and this country, is also an American invention, made in this country in the early days of our Civil War. All English inventions of projectiles for rifled guns have, for some time, been discarded in favor of those embodying the American BUTLER Sabot for the muzzle loading rifled guns, and the American HoTCHKISS ring for breech loading rifles. This, the native country of Mr. HOTCHKISS, is now negotiating for the purchase of guns and projectiles of his invention from foreign nations, which have adopted and developed them. The GATLING gun is another American invention, which Europe has been quick to adopt. Another most important invention, that of the rolled steel projectile lately invented in Fitchburg, Mass., has now been adopted by the English Government, and contracts for enormous numbers of these projectiles have already been awarded by that Government. The manufacture of the CREUSOT Steel armor plates, which alone, at the present moment, are considered in competition with the chilled iron armor of the GRUZON type, is but a repetition on a large scale of the work of our safe deposit builders, and the principle of the GRUZON castings is familiar to many of our iron founders. In these respects the action of our Ordnance Department has been about on a par with the action of the Government towards the private corporations engaged in the manufacture of ordnance, which have been its sufficient reliance in all the wars in which the nation has been engaged up to the present time, by allowing them to remain in idleness for the last twenty years, instead of sustaining them and enabling them to utilize and perfect all the valuable improvements referred to, and the doubtless many more which they would have been able to make, had they been properly sustained by the Government. A bill has lately been offered in the House by the Hon. S. S. Cox, of which the following is the text: Whereas, The first duty of a government is the defence of its territorial integrity, and inasmuch as in the present condition of affairs our territory and its vast interests may, at any time, be placed in jeopardy by the attack upon our seacoast and cities, from even a third rate power; and, Whereas, The defenceless condition of our coast is a matter of general apprehension; therefore, be it Resolved, By the Senate and House of Representatives in Congress assembled, that the Committee on Appropriations of the House of Representatives be instructed to present to this House some suitable plan for our coast defences, with such sufficient appropriations, not less than $30,000,000, to safe-guard the immense interests which are involved in such an emergency. To further this end, that a Commission be appointed to consist of three persons, one from the Army, one from the Navy and a civilian, each to be selected by the President of the United States, who shall have charge of the matters herein set forth, and with a view to make such prompt and comprehensive preparations as will satisfy the demands of the people, and the interests of our exposed territory. Your Committee recommend that a memorial be prepared urging upon Congress that the present Fortification bill, now pending before that body, be so amended as to secure that the full number of mortars recommended in the plans of defence for the protection of New-York Harbor and its approaches, be provided at once; and that their construction shall not be hampered by any conditions involving delay, beyond those necessary to secure integrity in their construction at a reasonable cost to the Government; and that the proposed torpedo system be put in the highest state of completeness without any further delay. And further, that it is the judg ment of the New-York Chamber of Commerce, that the bill offered by Mr. Cox, or some bill of similar purport, ought to pass at this session of Congress. Your Committee therefore submit the following resolutions: Resolved, That in the opinion of this Chamber, any longer delay on the part of those whose duty it is to provide adequate protection for our harbors, is, in its judgment, unadvisable, in the view of the enormous interests exposed to attack. Resolved, That this Chamber earnestly entreat the Government to enter upon the work of placing New-York Harbor in such a condition of military defence as the exigency of the case demands ; and that, as parts of such defence which can be made available at an early day, Congress be urged to make at once the necessary appropriations to provide for perfecting for the large seaboard cities, systems of torpedo defence and adequate mortar batteries; and that New-York, as the chief of such cities, and the great storehouse of the nation's movable wealth, has especial claims for immediate action by Congress for her protection. Resolved, That this Chamber hereby urges upon Congress the prompt passage of the measure lately introduced by the Hon. S. S. Cox, of this City, providing for the appropriation of $30,000,000 for seaport defences, or a similar bill for the same object. (Signed,) AMBROSE SNOW, EDWARD L. MOLINEUX, Special Committee. NEW-YORK, January 5, 1887. APPENDIX "A.”—Memoranda regarding Steam Rams.-Steam rams should be cigar shaped, and sunk so low in the water that very little surface would be exposed to the enemy's fire, and of such a form that the projectile would be the least likely to penetrate. That such a vessel, combining the above required impenetrability to shot, can be constructed, I have no doubt. Practically, the above described craft would be a projectile itself, propelled at the rate of ten or twelve knots an hour; its steam power need not be large, for its mission would be to remain in the harbor or at its mouth, and meet any hostile fleet. Such rams would be moved from one post to another, and may be operated with few men, and with little or no armament, and may be constructed quickly, and at very low cost, comparatively. Extract from an interview between Admiral LUCE and New-York Herald representative." It is said, Admiral, that there is a "pocket" or deep-water anchorage off Coney Island, from which an enemy's fleet could shell Brooklyn and perhaps New-York? Are there no available means by which we could immediately defend this very weak spot?" Effect of Mortar Fire.-"Yes, by placing guns on the shore and shelling the enemy out of the 'pocket.'' "In this connection I may mention that I believe that mortar batteries have the most demoralizing effect on iron-clads. An armored vessel may be willing to stand a certain amount of pounding on her sides, but where there is one chance in a hundred that a shell from a mortar will drop down on her decks and go right through her, a ship would be very apt to get out of the range of mortar fire." "How about the armored decks of the modern war vessels ?" "You cannot armor decks, though they are protected, to a certain degree, with a view to deflecting a horizontal fire. It is impracticable to construct decks of ships capable of restricting heavy mortar shells falling upon them perpendicularly. Mortar batteries would be one of the best means to defend the 'pocket' from Coney Island, if the batteries could be rendered secure from the fire of the enemy's heavy ordnance." APPENDIX "B.”— LETTER FROM MAJOR GENERAL SCHOFIELD. HEADQUARTERS DIVISION OF THE ATLANTIC, Mr. AMBROSE SNOW, No. 66 South Street, New-York City. DEAR SIR: In reply to your letter of yesterday, I send you a copy of a paper by Lieut. (now Captain) EUGENE GRIFFIN, of the Corps of Engineers, on the subject of "Our Seacoast Defences." It is a clear and complete exposition of the whole subject, not only of the defences required, but of the reasons why they are necessary. I have read this paper twice over and approve it fully. The best aid I can give to your Committee is, I believe, by commending this exposition of the subject to your careful perusal. It is gratifying to find so powerful a body as the Chamber of Commerce of New-York moving in this all-important matter, and if I can render you any further assistance I shall be very glad to do so. There is no longer any real question as to what is required for the defence of our seacoast. That subject has been fully mastered by the Military and Naval Experts of the country, and their report laid before Congress. It only remains to convince Congress of the necessity for prompt and liberal action in the matter. When we consider the enormous interests now in jeopardy, the comparatively moderate cost of placing them in perfect security against any possible foreign attack, and the employment which would be given to capital and labor now idle, and the stimulus to important industries of the country, in the work to be done, the wisdom of action seems clear enough. I also inclose a copy of a few remarks I made before the St. Nicholas Society recently on this subject. Wishing you complete success, I am, (Signed,) Yours very truly, J. M. SCHOFIELD. ANNUAL BANQUET OF THE ST. NICHOLAS SOCIETY AT DELMONICO'S, NEW-YORK, DECEMBER 6TH, 1886. TOAST: "The Army and Navy." Response by General J. M. SCHOFIELD. The Army of the United States needs, I am sure, no eulogy in the presence of this Society. Its record is well known by you as that of the most heroic and patriotic service in the defence and development of the country, and in the maintenance of the Constitution and enforcement of the laws. And at all times and under all circumstances, whether it consisted of a few thousand regular troops or a million of volunteers, the liberties of the people and their chosen government have been secure in the patriotic protection of their army. We have every assurance that the history of the future in this regard will be like that of the past. I do not hesitate to say that the Army to-day is in as good condition as it has ever been. And by the Army I mean not simply the little regular force, but also the organized militia or National Guard of the several States. While there is much need of legislation for the benefit of the National Guards, they are, thanks to their own patriotism and that of some public spirited citizens, in a more effective condition than ever before. So, also, while a small increase of the regular force would, in my judgment, be a wise precaution, the country is no worse off in that respect than it has been at any former period. Yet it is a lamentable fact that, as compared with our condition at any former period of our short history, the country is almost entirely unprepared for war. Your gallant and patriotic Army and Navy would be worth about as much as so much chaff to resist any attack to which we are likely to be exposed. In former periods, when the country was comparatively poor, and perhaps could ill afford the expense, our seacoast fortifications and navy were among the best in the world. Now, when we have grown enormously rich, our means of defence have been left to sink into decay, while the means of attack by all other nations have been vastly increased. Thus we say to all nations, great and small, we are vastly more wealthy than you, and our doors are wide open, come and help yourselves to as much of our goods as you can carry away, and, if you like, destroy the rest. We will only make such show of resistance as will justify you in bombarding our great cities." It is said no nation will attack us for fear of our great latent strength and final retaliation. This is a vain delusion. What could we do in retaliation? Some of the little powers who might thus rob and humiliate us have not enough wealth in their whole country to restore what they could carry away or destroy in New-York City alone. And, as they well know, it would take us many years to build and equip a fleet to go and inforce the penalty. While this is the case as to the lesser powers, the greater would simply laugh at our threats of retaliation, as we might at any threat of their aggression if we were prepared for defence, as they all are now. Formidable as are the modern means of attack, science has made it practicable, at comparatively moderate cost, to make the seacoast defence immeasurably stronger than any means of attack which can possibly be sent across the ocean. And other nations are providing these means of absolute security to their seacoast, and are thus destroying the only ground for our fond delusion that we are strong enough in men and money to treat with contempt the prudential measures adopted by all the rest of mankind. If any other nation has reason to attack us in our present condition, they will not hesitate a moment through any fear of retaliation. This subject has been discussed by military and naval officers until it has become threadbare, and they almost utterly hopeless of any good result. It has seemed as if disaster alone could be sufficient to arouse the public to a realization of the truth. But now there are some indications of the growth of a more healthy public opinion on this subject, and some ground for hope that Congress may act before it is too late. In the period preceding 1861, we said the South will not secede. There will be no war. It would be madness for the slave States to make war against the Union. Well, it was madness, but they made war. Now we say, no other nation will attack us. It would be madness to attack a people so numerous and wealthy as we. Are all the rest of mankind so much wiser and better than our brethren of the Southern States? If we could not settle our own domestic difficulty without fighting among ourselves, can we hope for perpetual peace with strangers? Let us be wise and profit by our own experience and that of all mankind. Let us prepare for war, which will surely come if we do not prepare for it, but may be averted by timely preparation. A true copy. |