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BELGIAN ROYAL FAMILY

King Albert, Queen Elizabeth, Prince Leopold, Prince Charles, and Princess Marie José at Their Villa in Flanders

A MONTHLY MAGAZINE OF THE NEW YORK TIMES JUNE, 1916

WORLD EVENTS OF THE
THE MONTH

NOTEWORTHY FEATURES

CURREN

"

URRENT HISTORY presents in this number several features which will prove of especial value. The Defense of the British Blockade," Sir Edward Grey's official reply to the representations of the United States regarding interference with neutral trade, has not heretofore been printed in this country, except in very abbreviated form. It is a document of profound interest to all the neutral nations. The detailed account of what occurred in the Belgian Foreign Office on the fateful night of the German ultimatum, as related by the Belgian Under Secretary of Foreign Affairs, is a moving drama of thrilling interest, and a human document that will al

the

ways rivet attention. The complete correspondence leading up to final triumph of President Wilson's diplomacy in relation to submarine warfare is given in chronological order; nowhere else has it appeared in this permanent form, with all the documents collated into one consecutive serial. It is a completed chapter of American diplomacy which will rank with the most momentous in our nation's annals. The dramatic chapter of Ireland's ill-starred adventure in in independence is also given in completed form, with the official copy of the declaration of independence and a careful and correct narrative of what actually occurred. It is an ideal form in which to preserve the story of one of the most memorable episodes growing out of the war. These are only four features of the June number, but they serve to emphasize the purpose of CURRENT HISTORY, namely, to

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Estimating the total population of the earth at 1,600,000,000, and the superficial area of the world at 135,420,000 square kilometers, it will be observed that the Allies alone represent over onehalf the total. The Teutonic and Turkish Empires and Bulgaria, including the German colonies, represent a population of about 150,000,000 and an area of 6,150,000 square kilometers. Hence the total number of people actually involved in the war is approximately 1,000,000,000 and the area of "hostile territory" is nearly 80,000,000 square kilometers, or about 32,000,000 square miles. The area of the United States is 3,200,000 square miles, hence the warring nations repre

sent ten times the population and ter. times the area of our nation.

TALK OF PEACE

THE indirect references to peace in

Germany's submarine note to the United States, with the Pope's letter to President Wilson and a cloud of less definite peace rumors, have caused much talk, but have no solid significance as yet, beyond emphasizing the self-evident fact that Germany is weary of the war. The failure at Verdun, the pressure of the blockade, the tightening food crisis in Germany, the resignation of Dr. Delbrück, Minister of the Interior, and the proposed appointment of a "food dictator "-these are straws that seem to show an adverse wind of destiny for the Central Powers and an increasing desire for the end of the war. For the real situation regarding peace, however, one must question not Germany, but the Entente Allies, who now have the stronger battalions. The answer is found in the words of President Poincaré, spoken at Nancy on May 14:

France will not expose her sons to the dangers of new aggressions. The Central Empires, haunted by remorse for having brought on the war, and terrified by the indignation and hatred they have stirred up in mankind, are trying to make the world believe that the Allies alone are responsible for the prolongation of hostilities-a dull irony which will deceive no one.

Neither directly nor indirectly have our enemies offered us peace. But we do not want them to offer it to us. We do not want to submit to their conditions; we want to impose ours on them. We do not want a peace which would leave Imperial Germany with the power to recommence the war and keep Europe eternally menaced. We want peace which receives from restored rights serious guarantees of equilibrium and stability. So long as that peace is not assured us, so long as our enemies will not recognize themselves as vanquished, we will not cease to fight.

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ENLARGING OUR ARMY

THE Conference Committees of House

and Senate, to which their differences on the new Army bill were referred, reached a compromise which Congress doubtless will promptly ratify; hence, by the end of May, our first measure of preparedness will become law. The compromise provides as follows: The maximum strength of the regular army in time of peace will be 11,000 officers, 175,000 men, in addition to the enlisted men of the Signal, Medical, and Quartermasters' Corps and Philippine Scouts, bringing the total to 11,000 officers and 200,000 men; this can be increased by Executive order, when war threatens, to 11,500 officers and 225,000 combatant troops, plus the necessary Staff Troops, Philippine Scouts, &c.

The increase will consist of thirtyfour regiments of infantry, ten regiments of cavalry, fifteen regiments of field artillery, five regiments of engineers, two battalions of mounted engineers, ninety-three companies of coast artillery, and eight aero squadrons. The company units, instead of skeletons as heretofore, will consist of two-thirds of the war strength, as follows: Infantry company, in peace, 100; in war, 150; cavalry troop, in peace, 70; in war, 105; battery, in peace, 126; in war, 190 men. The measure provides a minimum strength in time of peace of 160,000 men; there was no minimum provision before. The maximum force of National Guard under the new bill is 17,000 officers and 440,000 enlisted men-800 for each Senator and Congressman. National Guardsmen are required to take the Federal as well as the State oath of allegiance, and will be given stronger inducements to improve; provision is made for compensating the officers and enlisted men of the Guard. A provision for Federal Volunteers was stricken out, but all necessary expenses of men at the National Training Camps are to be paid by the Federal Government. An important provision makes the enlistment term seven years, three to be served with the colors and four in the reserves. Provision is also made for the

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THE C

ing renewed attention at the hands of the United States Government. The latest British note appears elsewhere in this issue. Our Government declined to consider the question in connection with the German submarine issue, but now that the latter appears to have been adjusted, the interference with our trade and mails is to be made the subject of a serious protest.

The British contend that the blockade is impartial: that since it is impossible to put a stop to importation of goods across the inland sea from Scandinavia, or across a land frontier, as from Holland, a blockade that fails to inclose such inaccessible parts of an enemy's territory is nevertheless binding and to be respected. This is a moot question which some future international conference must settle. Our greatly increased exports to neutral countries give color to the charge that Americans thus seek to evade the blockade, and the British authorities give assurance that every effort will be made to minimize delays and make the restraints of trade as little burdensome as possible. The news from Germany indicates that food shortage there is becoming an acute question, and this apparently confirms the English contention that the blockade is effective, and hence binding upon neutrals. Our Government, however, is restive under the British seizure of mails. We are assured that the British Government is striving to eliminate these delays and interferences, but that it cannot relinquish its right to prevent the use of the mails for the transmission of goods or information by her enemies.

A strong point is made by Great

Britain that the Orders in Council do not control her prize courts, the intima

tion being strong that if our rights are in any way infringed we shall be sure of redress and justice in the courts. Certain phases of the question, however, are due to receive more serious attention, now that the acute stage of the submarine controversy has passed, and it is not unlikely that the whole issue may be submitted to international arbitration. The question will then arise, Shall the orders be suspended during the pendency of the arbitration? However settled, there is no fear that the issue will not be amicably arranged by diplomacy.

THE

AN EPOCH-MAKING BUDGET THE British budget for 1916-17 is epoch-making, the greatest by all odds in the history of the empire, exceeding by millions the sum raised through taxation by any other Government. The total budget is $2,045,000,000. The national revenue of Great Britain was $1,335,000 in 1914-15, $1,683,835,000 in 1915-16, with an increase of over $350,000,000 for the current year. The interest debt charge is over $700,000,000 for 1916-17. The new budget, on the basis of peace expenditure, notwithstanding the colossal interest charge, would yield a surplus of $425,000,000.

The new taxation for 1916-17 will amount to about $380,000,000, and is derived from the following new assessments: Increased income taxes, $200,000,000, beginning at 56 cents in $5 on incomes not exceeding $2,500, and reaching $1.25 in $5, or 25 per cent., on incomes over $12,500; on unearned incomes, where total earned and unearned income does not exceed $1,500, 75 cents in $5 up to $1.25 in $5, or 25 per cent., on incomes exceeding $10,000. Taxes on railway tickets range from 2 cents for a fare of 25 cents to 2 cents in the shilling with a tax of $1 on Continental journeys; 1 cent on tickets to entertainments where the admission does not exceed 4 cents, to 25 cents on tickets costing $3.12, and 25 cents for every $2.50; 872 cents on every 10,000 friction matches; 8 cents a gallon for table waters, fermented, and 16 cents a gallon on other table

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