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'maintaining the open door is Great Britain able to justify

holding of one-fourth of the world's productive territo 'Only by maintaining--or rather, establishing fairlyprinciple of equal advantages to all comers, can France to keep and develop properly her vast African empire.' Gibbons has a good right to say this, inasmuch as he is a v admirer of the spirit which informs most of the French col administration. Exactly the same view is taken throug British West Africa ; it is almost the only criticism one ! of the French West African colonies. In a very intere paper read before the Royal Society of Arts in May last the problems of French North Africa, Captain Millet of • Temps' touches incidentally upon the same point. giving a most gratifying account of the results achieve his country in Tunis, Algeria, and Morocco, Captain refers incidentally to the protectionist policy as having deplorable in many ways.'

But while pressing this point in the interests of Fren less than of British possessions, it is important to adi there are other equally important reforms needed where F and British possessions are contiguous. In remote co old national rivalries have a sharper edge than in the tolerant circles of great capitals, and such rivalries often a quite unnecessary amount of friction. What C Millet says of North Africa, that British and French ru stand or fall together, is equally true of West Africa.

Unfortunately, some of the men whose lives are sp British or French African possessions have not yet i this mutuality of interest. So soon as men of the necessary can be spared, both Governments would perh well advised to send to the West African groups of one or two Special Commissioners who, speaking with au based upon practical acquaintance with the condit colonial life, could advise their respective government the best means of securing local co-operation betwe tiguous colonies. France and Great Britain have und tremendous responsibilities in West Africa, and it is utmost importance for the efficient discharge of these

* • Problems of French North Africa.' By Captain Philips * Journal of the Royal Society of Arts,' June 8 and 15. If

GERMANY AND AFRICA

163

162

GERMANY AND AFRICA July 'maintaining the open door is Great Britain able to justify the 'holding of one-fourth of the world's productive territories. 'Only by maintaining—or rather, establishing fairly—the 'principle of equal advantages to all comers, can France hope ' to keep and develop properly her vast African empire.' Mr. Gibbons has a good right to say this, inasmuch as he is a warın admirer of the spirit which informs most of the French colonial administration. Exactly the same view is taken throughout British West Africa ; it is almost the only criticism one hears of the French West African colonies. In a very interesting paper read before the Royal Society of Arts in May last * on the problems of French North Africa, Captain Millet of ' Le *Temps' touches incidentally upon the same point

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tremendous responsibilities in West Africa, and it is of the utmost importance for the efficient discharge of these trastes

Problems of French North Africa.' By Captain Philippe Millet

1917

. While

giving a most gratifying account of the results achieved by his country in Tunis, Algeria, and Morocco, Captain Milet refers incidentally to the protectionist policy as having been deplorable in many ways.

But while pressing this point in the interests of French no less than of British possessions, it is important to add that there are other equally important reforms needed where French and British possessions are contiguous. In remote colonis old national rivalries have a sharper edge than in the more

ships that local colonial administrations should act in loyal and constant co-operation with one another.

We now pass to the question whether the Colonies which Germany held before the war should be restored to her, or not. The primary answer to that question can be stated in uncompromising terms. When one country wantonly attacks its neighbours after years of careful preparation for war, they are morally entitled, when they have defeated the aggressor, to insist upon reparation for the wrong done. Therefore, even if the German colonies in Africa were inhabited by Germans, France and Great Britain would be fully justified in retaining those colonies if they wanted them, either as part payment for the enormous damage that Germany has done, or as a strategic precaution against similar aggression in the future. It is, however, unnecessary to press this primary answer. For, with the partial exception of South-West Africa, German African colonies contain the merest handful of Germans. The same statement can be made with regard to Germany's Asiatic possessions. Altogether the German Colonial Empire before the war occupied over a million square miles. Oi this total, well over 900,000 square miles were in Africa; nearly 100,000 square miles in the South Pacific, and about 200 square miles at Kiau-chau. The Colonies were begun in Africa, the first conquest by the Allies was made in Africa, and public discussion, with a sure instinct, is occupying itself mainly with the African territory. So far as Kiau-chau is concerned, the matter has already gone beyond discussion. The refusal of Japan and China to restore Kiau-chau to Germany is certain. This fest has a direct influence both upon the Pacific and upon the African problem, Germany's Pacific Colonies, and an important fraction of her African Colonies, were conquered, not by Imperial but by Dominion forces. Doubtless that conquest would have been impossible without the aid, immediate or in reserve, of the Imperial navy. It is also true that the then (ial Secretary, Mr Harcourt, in inviting the Domínims

the Germ ories, laid it sown that they were to 1 at th

of the Imperial Government after Nev

the Imperial Government should hand

olonies to Germany, while Japan de wand

chau, our sister States will assured that

p of the Empire has served taem

tolerant circles of great capitals

, and such rivalries often breed a quite unnecessary amount of friction. What Captain Millet says of North Africa, that British and French rule will stand or fall together

, is equally true of West Africa. Unfortunately, some of the men whose lives are spent in British or French African possessions have not yet realised this mutuality of interest. So soon as men of the calibre

necessary can be spared, both Governments would perhaps be well advised to send to the West African groups of colonies one or two Special Commissioners who, speaking with authority based upon practical acquaintance with the conditions of colonial life

, could advise their respective governments as to the best means of securing local co-operation between con

tiguous colonies. France and Great Britain have undertaken

of the Royal Society of Arts, June 8 and 15 1917.

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