basest ingratitude, now reject him. I am compelled to declare to you, my friends, in all sincerity, heinous as are the crimes of these Southern men, infamous as they will be upon the page of history, that if the people of the North, now that they have acquired liberty for themselves, now that they have secured the restoration of the Union by the services and sacrifices of the negro in common with their own services and their own sacrifices, should surrender him, bound hand and foot, as he will be if he does not enjoy the right of suffrage, into the custody of his enemies, made doubly ferocious by the events of this war, and into the custody of your enemies also, your position upon the page of history, and in the judgment of posterity, will be only less infamous than theirs. I know of no excuse that we can offer to ourselves, I know of no excuse that we can offer to this generation in other countries, I know of no excuse that we can offer to mankind in the coming ages, if, after having accepted the services and the blood of these men in defence of the flag, of liberty, and of the Union, we turn and conspire with these their ancient oppressors, and trample our faithful allies in the dust. Let it not be that this infamy is reserved for the people of this country. Of all the woes of which we have drunk through these four years, of all the instances of degradation which have been treasured up in the long annals of mankind, I know of none which will compare with the woe and the degradation of a free people, who, having secured their own liberties by the blood of their fellow-men, with base ingratitude offered their

to the enemy of the

allies to the common enemy,
country, of liberty, and of mankind.

I have thus, gentlemen, attempted to demonstrate the existence of sufficient and constitutional power in the government to enable Congress to hold the people of the rebellious districts under the jurisdiction of the national authority, while they are excluded from any voice in the public councils, until they frame State governments which are truly republican in form, and until evidence is furnished that the public sentiment of each proposed State is so far loyal as to justify the expectation that its general policy will accord with the general policy of the country; and this without claiming to interfere, and without interfering, with the institutions of a State.

I have also sought to demonstrate that the exercise of this power is necessary for the security of the loyal people, the preservation of the public credit, as it is connected with and dependent upon a constant exhibition of good faith, by the people and the public authorities. Moreover, you cannot fail to be influenced by the plain statement, that, under the Constitution, you must secure the elective franchise to the negro, or surrender your own equal right in the government of the country; and, finally, you are not insensible to the obligations resting upon you to secure to all men the means of protecting those rights of person and property which are the evidences of freedom and its constant support. This policy furnishes at once security to the country, equality to the whites of all sections, justice to the negro, universal punishment

policy drop cons

of the rebels, the only efficient means of stimulating the industry and developing the resources of the South, and, at last, adequate and permanent protection against civil and social feuds and wars in all portions of the country where the two races are nearly equal in numbers or strength.

I have assumed also that the instances of pardon of rebels by the President will be increased, and that in peace we shall abandon the policy which was inaugurated in time of war, and adapted to a. time of war, of confiscating the property of rebels who are not distinguished by any special criminality from their associates in treason. Whether you indict and try persons or confiscate their property, the number of the guilty is so great, that many necessarily escape. During the war, we seized the property of individual enemies, as a means of diminishing the power of those in arms against us. The reason no longer remains, and it will probably be thought wise to modify our legislation so as to relieve the mass of Southern people from all apprehension. So, too, we can have no security for the loyalty of a State, until a clear majority of its population are known to be worthy of trust. Whenever a State is restored to the Union, the loyal sentiment should be sufficiently powerful to permit those who have been disloyal to exercise the elective franchise; otherwise you nourish alienation, and encourage the elements of treason and war. Our policy towards the mass of our enemies must be liberal. Restore to them, with as little delay as possible, all the personal, civil, and political rights which they enjoyed previous to the rebellion.

With such an exhibition of magnanimity towards those who have been our enemies, not even they can justly complain when we demand the elective franchise for those who have been our friends. Thus does this policy appear to be wise and conservative as a national policy; thus is it necessary to ourselves; thus is it just to our friends; thus is it magnanimous to our enemies.

Did not mention any more about policy towards regions in north

408

I

EQUAL SUFFRAGE.

SPEECH DELIVERED BEFORE THE NATIONAL EQUAL SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION OF WASHINGTON, DECEMBER, 1865.

HOPE, ladies and gentlemen, not to trouble you at great length; at least, to leave you time and patience to listen to what will be said by our friend who will speak after I have closed.

I understand that to-day there has been a vote taken in this city, but I know not whether in the neighboring city of Georgetown, on the question whether the colored people shall enjoy the right of suffrage in this district. I am always disposed to listen to the will of the people, to consult their judgments; and, even in matters of grave legislation, I would to some extent be guided by their prejudices. I think, however, it should be borne in mind, by those who dwell here permanently or for temporary purposes, that this district was set apart as the seat of government, and made by the Constitution subject to the exclusive control of the Congress of the United States. Whether or not all men shall vote is a question which does not even as much concern those who live in this city as it does those whom I immediately represent; and that, in its decision, those who represent the country are very likely to act upon the opinions which they understand are entertained by the country. Furthermore, the opin