enjoys, but who have not redeemed the pledge which in effect they made to the people of the country, to be true to freedom in this and every crisis. So far as they fought under Sheridan and others, all honor to them; but it is not enough that the war be carried on upon the battle-field only. The contest of arms is over; but we approach a greater contest, in which the men already subdued in arms seek to enter the citadel of the republic, and seize the power of the nation for the perversion of the institutions of the country and the overthrow of liberty. I complain, not that Irishmen did not go into the war and do duty on the battle-field, but that they now hesitate and allow themselves to be made the instruments of the ancient allies of traitors for the overthrow of the liberties of the people. There are many topics of public concern, but I shall confine myself to the consideration of a single other subject. It is this: There are now pending in Congress certain propositions to amend the Constitution of the United States. Those propositions seek the public welfare in three directions: first, equality of representation; secondly, security for the future; thirdly, to some extent punishment of the rebels, by disqualifying them for a certain time from holding office. Many of you know, that, as far as I am myself concerned, I am not quite content with these propositions, because they omit to secure suffrage to the negro. I say here what I shall have occasion to say elsewhere, that the Republican party will not be committed to the admission of the rebel States upon the adoption by those States of these proposed amendments to the Constitution. We shall demand something more, and in the enforcement of that demand we shall be resolute and uncompromising. We shall demand that those States severally, before they are admitted to representation on the floor of Congress, by their own fundamental law, shall provide for the enfranchisement of the negro. We shall accept nothing less. If the work of reconstruction is to be performed in disregard of the negro's rights, it is a work so unjust that I will not participate in it. If the people of this country, when they are appealed to in October and November next, insist on this work being done, they must provide other hands than mine for the doing of it. I am assured by testimony and by statements upon which I rely, that whenever Congress shall say that Tennessee, Arkansas, and North Carolina can be admitted if they provide for the exercise of the elective franchise by the negro, that that provision will be made. There are thousands and tens of thousands of Union men in those States who know perfectly well, that, if the negro does not vote, they will be powerless in the midst of rebels who control those States. They only desire that Congress shall say, You must do this before your State can be admitted, and they will proceed to argue with and induce their people to adopt a system of impartial franchise for black and white. citizens. Thus the adoption of the proposed amendment to the Constitution is but part of the work. More remains to be done. And my chief desire has been to induce you and the people of the State to see to it, that no arrangement, no compromise, no system of reconstruction, is adopted or agreed to, which does not recognize the right of the negro as a citizen of the State where he is, and as a citizen of the country to which he belongs. 477 THE ADMISSION OF TENNESSEE. SPEECH DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, THE House having under consideration the joint resolution providing for the admission of Senators and Representatives from Tennessee, Mr. BOUTWELL said: Mr. Speaker, I am not ignorant of the fact that the votes of the House already taken foreshow conclusively its purpose to pass the pending joint resolution for the admission. of Tennessee. I can see many reasons which operate on the minds of others, as they do upon my own mind, tending to such a course; but, after the most careful reflection during months and years, I am still as deeply convinced as ever of the dangerous nature of this proceeding. While I am conscious that my voice falls upon unwilling ears; that it is the fixed purpose of the House, in the presence of a great political struggle, to adopt this measure; and though I am the humblest of the members of this body, with less right than any other man to address the country, and with no hope whatever that my words will reach posterity,-I yet avail myself of the kindness of the gentleman who has charge of this resolution, and raise my voice here and now, and for the last time, against the consummation of this scheme. This morning I offered an amendment, on which, however, the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. BINGHAM] declined to allow the House to vote, which embodies my opinions concerning the admission of Tennessee. If gentlemen observed the language of that amendment, they are aware that I have in some degree departed from my own settled convictions as to the right of all men to the enjoyment of the elective franchise, in deference to what I understand to be the judgment of the majority of this House, and possibly at this time to what is the judgment of the loyal people of the country. The resolution that I proposed provided for impartial suffrage in that State by the act of its own people, as a condition precedent to its admission to the exercise of power in the government. It secured justice to the colored people of Tennessee first, and then to the colored people of the revolted and still rebellious section of this country. I am not troubled by the informalities apparent in the proceedings of the Tennessee Legislature upon the question of ratifying the constitutional amendment. It received the votes of a majority of the members of a full House; and, when the proper officers shall have made the customary certificate and filed it in the Department of State, it is not easy to see how any legal objection can be raised, even if two-thirds of the members were not present, and although that proportion is a quorum according to the Constitution of the State. My objections are not technical, but vital and fundamental. First, the constitution which they submit here, and which by your preamble and by |