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overwhelmed, by the preponderating influence so patriotic, so loyal, that it "can refuse our gal which they have acquired from the natural force lant soldiers nothing." But you must have seen of capital and the agency of our national banks. how promptly it rejected the names of nearly And what has been the course of that Con- every gallant veteran sent in by me for confirmgress which has just ended, and which this blind ation to any civil office, a majority of our exaristocracy of national debt sustained in over-tremely "loyal Senators using their guillo riding my efforts for a return to sound principles tine without remorse in nearly every instance. of internal government? Look at the bill giving And whither is all this drifting? To intellifrom $480,000,000 to $600,000,000, nominally gent men there can be but one answer. We are for back bounty, or as an equalization of boun- drifting towards repudiation, and the moneyed ties to the soldiers, but really, as all intelligent aristocracy of the national debt, the very men men must be aware, to be parcelled out as a prey whose interests are most jeopardized, are so blind among the bounty sharks and claim agents, who that they are practically helping to accelerate, are the most reckless and clamorous adherents not check our course in this downward direction. of the dominant majority in Congress. Then We need the industry and enormous possible prolook at appropriations amounting to another ducts of the lately revolted States to help us in $100,000,000, for internal improvements, which bearing our heavy burden; we need confidence should properly be left to the laws governing and calm; we need internal harmony; and above private industry and the progress of our national all, we need a return to the unquestioned supremdevelopment. Look also at the increase of all acy of the civil laws and constitutional restraints, salaries with a prodigal hand, this virtuous Con- if our debt is not to be repudiated within the next gress first setting an example against retrench- half score of years. ment by voting to themselves an increase of salaries. Everywhere, and in an ever-increasing ratio, the motto seems to be, "Always spend and never spare," a fresh issue from the paper-mill over yonder [slightly pointing his pencil to the Treasury Department] being the panacea pre-cently exploited on the floors of Congress. Who scribed for every evil of our present situation.

Every effort to increase our annual taxation is resisted, for increased taxes might help to awaken the people from their false dream of prosperity under the sway of revolutionary and radical ideas; but no addition to the national debt can be proposed, no further inflation of our inflated currency, which the preponderating votes of the western States will not be certain to favor. The war of finance is the next war we have to fight; and every blow struck against my efforts to uphold a strict construction of the laws and the Constitution is in reality a blow in favor of repudiating the national debt. The manufacturers and men of capital in the eastern States and the States along the Atlantic seaboard -a mere strip or fringe on the broad mantle of our country, if you will examine the map-these are in favor of high protective, and, in fact, prohibitory tariffs, and also favor a contraction of the currency. But against both measures the interests and votes of the great producing and non-manufacturing States of the West stand irrevocably arrayed, and a glance at the map and the census statistics of the last twenty years will tell every one who is open to conviction how that war must end.

Financial prosperity was secured up to within a recent period; but already the delicate fabric of public credit-a house of cards at best-begins to totter under the concussion of the various revolutionary ideas which have been renow talks of the Constitution with respect? Who is not now made a laughing stock in the papers and speeches of the violent revolutionary party, if he shall be so hardy as to claim that, being again at peace, the sway of civil over military law should be immediately resumed, if we desire to maintain our liberties? The Constitution is played out," we hear on every hand; and every effort to advocate the just ascendency of the civil law only furnishes fresh food for ridicule.

No party as yet, and possibly no party for some years, will openly hoist the banner of repudiation. But a majority of those who shaped the legislation of this last Congress must know, unless they deceive themselves, or are too ignorant to appreciate their own acts, that we are drifting in that direction, and that it is by their votes we have been swung out into the downward stream. Doubtless, some of them would either be, or affect to feel, horrified if to-day branded as repudiationists, just as, in the infancy of the free-soil agitation, it was considered a bitter slander if the "freesoiler should be styled an "abolitionist." There are steps in everything, and the term of reproach to-day will be worn as a feather in the cap some years from now, unless the true conservative wisdom of the country can be awakened, and rapidly, from its asphyxiating dream that our "national debt is a national blessing."

And look at the effect of the reconstruction

The history of the world gives no example of a war debt that has ever been paid; but we have an exceptional country, and present an exceptional case. Our debt might easily be paid, provided the brakes against excessive expenditures could be turned on quickly enough; but now is bill just passed over my unavailing veto. I mean the appointed time, and now or never the work its peculiar effect as a step in the direction of must be commenced. If that debt is ever to be repudiation, and not its general effect as a highpaid we need economy in every branch of the handed measure of congressional usurpation, public service-the reduction, not an increase of striking out of existence so many States, and salaries to Congressmen and other officials; the establishing a military despotism over more than systematic reduction of our national debt; and one-third of our geographical Union. This bill not its increase by such monstrous bills as this suddenly adds four millions of ignorant and penlast demagogue measure for the pretended equali-niless negroes to the voting force of the country, zation of bounties. The Congress, forsooth, is an accession of just so much strength to the

party whose interest it is, and must increasingly | public credit must be looked for in a system of become, to favor repudiation as a policy. To rigidly exacted obedience to all constitutional secure the public creditor, our efforts should be, restraints, and a thorough system of economy in if that were possible, to restrict rather than to all branches of the public service. extend the right of suffrage; for money rapidly aggregates in a few hands; and whenever the men who have an interest in seeing that our national debt is paid shall have become out of all proportion few, compared with those who have an interest in its repudiation, the votes of the many will carry it, and the debt of $3,000,000,000 will be struck out of existence by ballots, just as rapidly and utterly as the similar amount invested in southern negroes has been abolished during the recent war under showers of bullets. At least, this is possible.

For the slights and indignities, the unconstitutional curtailments and dishonors which the recent Congress has attempted to cast upon me for my unflinching and unalterable devotion to my constitutional oath, and to the best interests of the whole country, according to my best judgment and experience. I am only sorry as regards the indignities sought to be imposed on my high office, but unmoved as regards myself. Conscious of only having executed my duty, conscious of being denounced for " usurpation" only because refusing to accept unconstitutional powers and patronage, and satisfied that the day of wiser thought and sounder estimate cannot now be far distant, I look with perfect confidence for my vindication to the justice of that future which I am convinced cannot long be delayed. Unless all the senses are deceptive, unless all truth be a lie, unless God has ceased to live, I tell you that the folly and fraud now dominating the councils of this distracted country in Congress cannot endure for

ever.

That we are to have a great financial crash this year I hold to be inevitable, though deprecating it, and having used every effort for its avoidance. To say that it can be staved off by any legislation, if the violated laws of trade and public economy call for it, is to assert that water can be made to run up hill, or shall cease to seek its own level under the compulsion of a congressional enactment. Perhaps, for so violent a discase, this violent cure may be the only remedy. It is like a man sustaining his strength on brandy; so long as he can increase the dose It is, perhaps, but right to add that the foredaily, he may get along in high good humor, going is a report from memory of remarks made just as we have been prospering on an irredeem- by Mr. Johnson in an extended conversation able paper currency and fresh issues of public yesterday afternoon, and that the original did securities. But sooner or later, the day will not take the form of a set speech, here unavoida come in which brandy no longer can stimulate; bly given to it. It should also be added that a nor can irredeemable promises to pay pass cur- few points embraced in the report, and attribrent as a circulating medium forever. To the uted exclusively to the President, may have man will come a severe fit of sickness, teaching been, more or less, suggested by interjectional him that the laws of temperance can only be remarks of the person to whom he was speakviolated under fearful penalties, and to the na-ing; but nothing has been here set down to tion will come a financial crash, teaching it that paper is only a representative of value, not value itself; and that the only true securities for our

which the full assent of Mr. Johnson was not given, always provided, of course, that his listener understood him, and remembers correctly.

XV.

PRESIDENT JOHNSON'S MESSAGES.

The Annual Message, December 4, 1866. The following portions relate to reconstruction, and kindred subjects:

Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:

are maintaining their governments in full activity laws is no longer "obstructed in any State by comand complete operation. The enforcement of the binations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings;" and the animosities engendered by the war are rapidly

After a brief interval the Congress of the Uni-yielding to the beneficent influences of our free ted States resumes its annual legislative labors. institutions, and to the kindly effects of unreAn all-wise and merciful Providence has abated stricted social and commercial intercourse. An the pestilence which visited our shores, leaving its entire restoration of fraternal feeling must be the calamitous traces upon some portions of our coun- earnest wish of every patriotic heart; and we try. Peace, order, tranquillity, and civil author-will have accomplished our grandest national ity have been formally declared to exist through-achievement when, forgetting the sad events of out the whole of the United States. In all of the the past, and remembering only their instructive States civil authority has superseded the coercion lessons, we resume our onward career as a free. of arms, and the people, by their voluntary action, prosperous, and united people.

In my message of the 4th of December, 1865, I deem it a subject of profound regret tha. Congress was informed of the measures which Congress has thus far failed to admit to seats had been instituted by the Executive with a loyal Senators and Representatives from the other view to the gradual restoration of the States in States whose inhabitants, with those of Tennessee, which the insurrection occurred to their rela had engaged in the rebailion. Ten States-more tions with the General Government. Provisional than one-fourth of the whole number-remain Governors had been appointed, conventions without representation! The seats of fifty mem called, Governors elected, Legislatures assembled, bers in the House of Representatives and of twenty and Senators and Representatives chosen to the members in the Senate are yet vacant-not by Congress of the United States. Courts had been their own consent, not by a failure of election, but opened for the enforcement of laws long in abey- by the refusal of Congress to accept their crederance. The blockade had been removed, custom tials. Their admission, it is believed, would have houses re-established, and the internal revenue accomplished much towards the renewal and laws put in force, in order that the people might strengthening of our relations as one people, and contribute to the national income. Postal oper-removed serious cause for discontent on the part ations had been renewed, and efforts were being of the inhabitants of those States. It would have made to restore them to their former condition accorded with the great principle enunciated in of efficiency. The States themselves had been the Declaration of American lidependence, that asked to take part in the high function of amend no people ought to bear the burden of taxation ing the Constitution, and of thus sanctioning the and yet be denied the right of representation. extinction of African slavery as one of the legit- It would have been in consonanco with the eximate results of our internecine struggle. press provisions of the Constitution, that "each State shall have at least one Representative," and "that no State, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate." These provisions were intended to secure to every State. and to the people of every State, the right of representation in each House of Congress; and so important was it deemed by the framers of the Constitution that the equality of the States in the Senate should be preserved, that not even by an amendment of the Constitution can any State, without its consent, be denied a voice in that branch of the national Legislature.

Having progressed thus far, the executive department found that it had accomplished nearly all that was within the scope of its constitutional authority. One thing, however, yet remained to be done before the work of restoration could be completed, and that was the admission to Con- | gress of loyal Senators and Representatives from the States whose people had rebelled against the lawful authority of the General Government. This question devolved upon the respective Houses, which, by the Constitution, are made the judges of the elections, returns, and qualifications of their own members; and its consideration at once engaged the attention of Congress.

It is true, it has been assumed that the exist ence of the States was terminated by the rebelIn the mean time, the executive department lious acts of their inhabitants, and that the in-no other plan having been proposed by Con-surrection having been suppressed, they were gress-continued its efforts to perfect, as far as thenceforward to be considered merely as conwas practicable, the restoration of the proper quered territories. The legislative, executive, relations between the citizens of the respective and judicial departments of the Government States, the States, and the Federal Government, have, however, with great distinctness and uniextending, from time to time, as the public inter- form consistency, refused to sanction an assumpests seemed to require, the judicial, revenue, and tion so incompatible with the nature of our repostal systems of the country. With the advice publican system and with the professed objects and consent of the Senate, the necessary officers of the war. Throughout the recent legislation were appointed, and appropriations made by of Congress, the undeniable fact makes itself Congress for the payment of their salaries. The apparent, that these ten political communities proposition to amend the Federal Constitution are nothing less than States of this Union. At so as to prevent the existence of slavery within the very commencement of the rebellion each the United States or any place subject to their House declared, with a unanimity as remarkable jurisdiction, was ratified by the requisite number as it was significant, that the war was not of States, and, on the 18th day of December, "waged, upon our part, in any spirit of oppres 1865, it was officially declared to have become sion, nor for any purpose of conquest or subjuvalid as a part of the Constitution of the United gation, nor purpose of overthrowing or interferStates. All of the States in which the insurrec-ing with the rights or established institutions of tion had existed promptly amended their constitutions so as to make them conform to the great change thus effected in the organic law of the land; declared null and void all ordinances and laws of secession; repudiated all pretended debts and obligations created for the revolutionary purposes of the insurrection; and proceeded, in good faith, to the enactment of measures for the protection and amelioration of the condition of the colored race. Congress, however, yet hesitated to admit any of these States to representation; and it was not until towards the close of the eighth month of the session that an exception was made in favor of Tennessee by the admission of her Senators and Representatives.

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those States, but to defend and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution and all laws made in pursuance thereof, and to preserve the Union with all the dignity, equality, and rights of the several States unimpaired; and that as soon as these objects" were accomplished the war ought to cease.' In some instances Senators were permitted to continue their legislative functions, while in other instances Representatives were elected and admitted to seats after their States had formally declared their right to withdraw from the Union, and were endeavoring to maintain that right by force of arms. All of the States whose people were in insurrection, as States, were included in the apportionment of

the direct tax of $20,000,000 annually, laid upon the United States by the act approved 5th August, 1861. Congress, by the act of March 4, 1862. and by the apportionment of represertation thereunder, also recognized their presence as States in the Union; and they have, for judicial purposes, been divided into districts, as States alone can be divided. The same recognition appears in the recent legislation in reference to Tennessee, which evidently rests upon the fact that the functions of the State were not destroyed by the rebellion, but merely suspended; and that principle is of course applicable to those States which, like Tennessee, attempted to renounce their place in the Union

The action of the executive department of the Government upon this subject has been equally definite and uniform, and the purpose of the war was specifically stated in the proclamation issued by my predecessor on the 22d day of September, 1862. It was then solemnly proclaimed and declared that "hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted for the object of practically restoring the constitutional relation between the United States and each of the States and the people thereof, in which States that relation is or may be suspended or disturbed."

The recognition of the States by the judicial department of the Government has also been clear and conclusive in all proceedings affecting them as States, had in the Supreme, Circuit, and District Courts.

time, it is lawful to exclude them from representation, I do not see that the question will be changed by the efflux of time. Ten years hence. if these States remain as they are, the right of representation will be no stronger, the right of exclusion will be no weaker.

The Constitution of the United States makes it the duty of the President to recommend to the consideration of Congress "such measures as he shall judge necessary or expedient." I know of no measure more imperatively demanded by every consideration of national interest, sound policy, and equal justice, than the admission of loyal members from the now unrepresented States. This would consummate the work of restoration, and exert a most salutary influence in the re-establishment of peace, harmony, and fraternal feeling. It would tend greatly to renew the confidence of the American people in the vigor and stability of their institutions. It would bind us more closely together as a nation, and enable us to show to the world the inherent and recuperative power of a Government founded upon the will of the people, and established upon the principles of liberty, justice, and intelligence. Our increased strength and enhanced prosperity would irrefragably demonstrate the fallacy of the arguments against free institutions drawn from our recent national disorders by the enemies of republican government. The admission of loyal members from the States now excluded from Congress, by allaying doubt and apprehension, would turn capital, now awaiting an opportunity for investment, into the channels of trade and industry. It would alleviate the present troubled condition of those States, and, by inducing emigration, aid in the settlement of fertile regions now uncultivated, and lead to an increased production of those staples which have added so greatly to the wealth of the nation and the commerce of the world. New fields of enterprise would be opened to our progressive people, and soon the devastations of war would be repaired, and all traces of our domestic differences effaced. from the minds of our countrymen.

In the admission of Senators and Representatives from any and all of the States, there can be no just ground of apprehension that persons who are disloyal will be clothed with the powers of legislation; for this could not happen when the Constitution and the laws are enforced by a vigilant and faithful Congress. Each House is made the "judge of the elections, returns, and qualifications of its own members," and may, with the concurrence of two-thirds, expel a member." When a Senator or Representative presents his certificate of election, he may at once be admitted or rejected; or, should there be any question as to his eligibility, his creden- In our efforts to preserve "the unity of gov tials may be referred for investigation to the ernment," which constitutes us one people, by appropriate committee. If admitted to a seat, restoring the States to the condition which they it must be upon evidence satisfactory to the held prior to the rebellion, we should be cauHouse of which he thus becomes a member, that tious, lest, having rescued our nation from perils he possesses the requisite constitutional and legal of threatened disintegration, we resort to consolqualifications. If refused admission as a mem-idation, and in the end absolute despotism, as a ber, for want of due allegiance to the Govern- remedy for the recurrence of similar troubles. ment, and returned to his constituents, they are The war having terminated, and with it all occaadmonished that none but persons loyal to the sion for the exercise of powers of doubtful conUnited States will be allowed a voice in the le- stitutionality, we should hasten to bring legisla gislative councils of the nation, and the political tion within the boundaries prescribed by the power and moral influence of Congress are thus Constitution, and to return to the ancient landeffectively exerted in the interests of loyalty to marks established by our fathers for the guidance the Government and fidelity to the Union. Upon of succeeding generations. The Constitution this question, so vitally affecting the restoration which at any time exists, until changed by an of the Union and the permanency of our pres- explicit and authentic act of the while people, is ent form of government, my convictions, here- sacredly obligatory upon all." If, in the opintofore expressed, have undergone no change; ion of the people, the distribution or modification but, on the contrary, their correctness has been of the constitutional powers be, in any particu-confirmed by reflection and time. If the admis-lar, wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment sion of loyal members to seats in the respective in the way in which the Constitution designates. Houses of Congress was wise and expedient a But let there be no change by usurpation: for" year ago, it is no less wise and expedient now."it is the customary weapon by which free GovIf this anomalous condition is right now-if, in ernments are destroyed." Washington spoke, the exact condition of these States at the present these words to his countrymen when, followed by

their love and gratitude, he voluntarily retired | receipts for the fiscal year ending the 30th June from the cares of public life. "To keep in all 1867, will be $475,061,386, and that the expenthings within the pale of our constitutional ditures will reach the sum of $316,428,078, leav powers, and cherish the Federal Union as the ing in the Treasury a surplus of $158,633,308. only rock of safety," were prescribed by Jefferson For the fiscal year ending June 30, 1868, it is as rules of action to endear to his "countrymen estimated that the receipts will amount to the true principles of their Constitution, and $436,000,000, and that the expenditures will be promote a union of sentiment and action equally $350,247,641-showing an excess of $85,752,359 auspicious to their happiness and safety." Jack- in favor of the Government. These estimated son held that the action of the General Govern- receipts may be diminished by a reduction of ment should always be strictly confined to the excise and import duties; but after all necessary sphere of its appropriate duties, and justly and reductions shall have been made, the revenue forcibly urged that our Government is not to be of the present and of following years will doubtmaintained nor our Union preserved "by inva- less be sufficient to cover all legitimate charges sions of the rights and powers of the several upon the Treasury, and leave a large annual surStates. In thus attempting to make our Gen- plus to be applied to the payment of the princieral Government strong, we make it weak. Its pal of the debt. There seems now to bo no good true strength consists in leaving individuals and reason why taxes may not be reduced as the States as much as possible to themselves; in country advances in population and wealth, and making itself felt, not in its power, but in its yet the debt be extinguished within the next beneficence; not in its control, but in its pro- quarter of a century tection; not in binding the States more closely to the centre, but leaving each to move unobstructed in its proper constitutional orbit." These are the teachings of men whose deeds and services have made them illustrious, and who, long since withdrawn from the scenes of life, have left to their country the rich legacy of their example, their wisdom, and their patriotism. Drawing fresh inspiration from their lessons, let us emulate them in love of country and respect for the Constitution and the laws.

The report of the Secretary of the Treasury affords much information respecting the revenue and commerce of the country. His views upon the currency, and with reference to a proper adjustment of our revenue system, internal as well as impost, are commended to the careful consideration of Congress. In my last annual message I expressed my general views upon these subjects.

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In the month of April last, as Congress is aware, a friendly arrangement was made between the Emperor of France and the President of the United States for the withdrawal from Mexico of the French expeditionary military forces. This withdrawal was to be effected in three detachments, the first of which, it was un derstood, would leave Mexico in November, now past, the second in March next, and the third and last in November, 1867. Immediately upon the completion of the evacuation, the French Government was to assume the same attitude of non-intervention, in regard to Mexico, as is held by the Government of the United States. Repeated assurances have been given by the Emperor, since that agreement, that he would complete the promised evacuation within the period mentioned, or sooner.

It was reasonably expected that the proceed*ings thus contemplated would produce a crisis The report presents a much more satisfactory of great political interest in the Republic of condition of our finances than one year ago the Mexico. The newly appointed Minister of the most sanguine could have anticipated. During United States, Mr. Campbell, was therefore sent the fiscal year ending the 30th June, 1865, the forward, on the 9th day of November last, to last year of the war, the public debt was in- assume his proper functions as Minister Plenipocreased $941,902,537, and on the 31st of Octo- tentiary of the United States to that Republic. ber, 1865, it amounted to $2,740,854,750. On It was also thought expedient that he should be the 31st day of October, 1866, it had been re- attended in the vicinity of Mexico by the Lieuduced to $2,551,310,006, the diminution, during tenant General of the Army of the United States, a period of fourteen months, commencing Sep- with the view of obtaining such information as tember 1, 1865, and ending October 31, 1866, might be important to determine the course to having been $206,379,565. In the last annual be pursued by the United States in re-establishreport on the state of the finances, it was esti-ing and maintaining necessary and proper intermated that during the three-quarters of the fiscal year ending the 30th of June last, the debt would be increased $112,194,947. During that period, however, it was reduced $31,196,387, the receipts of the year having been $89,905,905 more, and the expenditures $200,529,235 less than the estimates. Nothing could more clearly indicate than these statements the extent and availability of the national resources, and the rapidity and safety with which, under our form of government, great military and naval establishments can be disbanded, and expenses reduced from a war to a peace footing.

During the fiscal year ending the 30th of June, 1866, the receipts were $558,032,620, and the expenditures $520,750,940, leaving an available surplus of $37,281,680. It is estimated that the

course with the Republic of Mexico. Deeply interested in the cause of liberty and humanity, it seemed an obvious duty on our part to exercise whatever influence we possessed for the res toration and permanent establishment in that country of a domestic and republican form of government.

Such was the condition of affairs in regard to Mexico, when, on the 22d of November last, official information was received from Paris that the Emperor of France had some time before decided not to withdraw a detachment of his forces in the month of November past, according to engage ment, but that this decision was made with the purpose of withdrawing the whole of those forces in the ensuing spring. Of this determination, however, the United States had not received any