HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. CHAPTER X. RETROSPECT OF THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. INAUG URATION OF THE NEW PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESI- WHILE the result of the presidential election still re- CHAPTER X. mained in doubt, Jefferson had written to Madison to express his desire, should he and Adams have an equal vote, 1796. that Adams might be preferred as president. "He has Dec. 15 always been my senior, from the commencement of our public life, and the expression of the public will being equal, this circumstance ought to give him the preference." This haste to provide for a double contingency, an equal vote in the electoral colleges, and an equal vote in the House of Representatives, without which Jefferson's declination in favor of Adams could not come into play, might seem a little premature. The offer was also perfectly safe, since there was not the least danger that Jefferson's political friends would incline to indulge him in this amiable weakness. Yet there is reason to believe that on this occasion, for once at least, Jefferson was sincere. "I am really anxious," the letter adds, "to see the speech"-meaning Washington's speech at the opening of the session of Congress. "It must exhibit a very different picture of our foreign affairs from X. CHAPTER that presented in the adieu"-Washington's Farewell Address" or it will little correspond with my views of 1796. them. I think they never wore so gloomy an aspect since the year 1783. Let those come to the helm who thing they can steer clear of difficulties. I have no confidence in myself for the undertaking." Dec. 27. In a letter to Edward Rutledge, written some ten days after, and when the result of the election was better known, he denies, "on his salvation," the having had any thing to do with his having been voted for as president; at the same time dexterously hinting that Rutledge himself, had he chosen to take part in public affairs, might have been the candidate. He then protests "before his God" his joy at not being chosen. "I have no ambition," he adds, "to govern men, no passion which would lead me to delight to ride in a storm. The newspapers will permit me to plant my corn, pease, &c., in hills or drills, as I please (and my oranges, by-the-by, when you send them), while our Eastern friend will be struggling with the storm which is gathering over us, perhaps be shipwrecked in it. This is certainly not a moment to covet the helm." Had Jefferson been chosen president, he could not but have found himself in a most embarrassing situation; one even more perplexing than that of which, in his intercourse as Secretary of State with Genet, he had already had a bitter experience. To have satisfied the expectations of the ultra French faction in the United States, and of the French government itself, which had taken so affectionate an interest in his election, consistently with his own honor and that of his country, would have been difficult indeed. Here was a crisis, especially considering Jefferson's peculiar situation in reference to it, which might well make a bolder man X. quail; and he might reasonably prefer to leave the helm CHAPTER to Adams, a man not accustomed to quail at any thing; especially if matters could be so arranged as to destroy 1796. the influence of Hamilton with the administration, and to bring Adams to depend for congressional support, in part at least, on the late opposition. That such an intrigue was really on foot appears from two letters written by Jefferson, the one to Adams himself, the other to Madison, sketches of which are published in Jefferson's Correspondence, written out from memory, as he had omitted to retain copies. In the letter to Adams, dated the day after that to Rutledge already quoted, and con- Dec. 28. taining a repetition of many of the same sentiments, the following side-thrust at Hamilton appears: "It is possible, indeed, that even you may be cheated of your succession by a trick worthy the subtlety of your arch-friend of New York, who has been able to make of your real friends tools for defeating their and your just wishes. Probably, however, he will be disappointed as to you, and my inclinations put me out of his reach." This letter to Adams was inclosed in another to Madison (who was authorized to deliver it or not, according to his discretion), in which was developed Jefferson's plan of operations. "If Mr. Adams," said this letter, "could be induced to administer the government on its true principles, quitting his bias for an English constitution, it would be worthy of consideration whether it would not be for the public good to come to a good understanding with him as to his future elections. He is the only sure barrier against Hamilton's getting in.” Madison thought it not best to deliver the letter to Adams-why, we are left to conjecture. Jefferson had stated, in his letter to Madison, as a reason why hitherto he had delayed writing to Adams, "a despair to make CHAPTER him believe me sincere." Perhaps Madison shared the X. same discouragement; perhaps he was not so sanguine 1797. as Jefferson of being able to divide the Federal party; or, if that could be accomplished, of reconciling the opposition to the support of Adams, so long held up to their abhorrence as an Anglo-man and a monarchist. Possibly he thought that any arrangement which might secure Adams's re-election and the succession of Jefferson would not only look a little too much like taking things out of the hands of the people, but might be putting off his own hopes of preferment to a period almost too indefinite. Whatever might have been the reasons for keeping back the letter, oral advances were made to Adams, which, so far as compliments were concerned, he seemed well disposed to reciprocate; and this, perhaps, was the real reason why Jefferson's letter was not delivered, the object of it having been otherwise and more safely acJan. 22. complished. "My letters," so Jefferson presently wrote to Madison, "inform me that Mr. Adams speaks of me with great friendship, and with satisfaction in the prospect of administering the government in concurrence with me. I am glad of the first information, because, though I saw that our ancient friendship was affected by a little leaven, produced partly by his constitution, partly by the contrivance of others, yet I never felt a diminution of confidence in his integrity, and retain a solid affection for him. His principles of government I know to be changed, but conscientiously changed. As to my participating in the administration, if by that he means the executive cabinet, both duty and inclination will shut that door to me. I can not have a wish to see the scenes of 1793 revived as to myself, and to descend daily into the arena like a gladiator, to suffer martyrdom in every con |