XIV. The same motives which operated with Adams to pre- CHAPTER vent the dismissal of his now hostile secretaries, had operated also with them to prevent their resignation. The 1800. success of their plans, as well as of Adams's, required a Federal majority in the electoral colleges; and the greatest caution was necessary lest any blow aimed at Adams personally might result in the defeat of the Federal party. The man upon whom the ultra Federalists had fixed their eyes as on the whole their most reliable and available candidate, was Charles C. Pinckney, the late envoy to France, whose conduct in that mission, at once spirited and discreet, and whose patriotic behavior respecting military rank, had brought him conspicuously before the public, while his Southern citizenship might, perhaps, secure votes not attainable by any Northern man. The method, as the Constitution then stood, of voting for two candidates, without distinction as to the office for which they were intended, the one receiving the highest number of votes to be president, furnished peculiar facilities for quietly displacing Adams without seeming to make any open attack upon him; and even without the necessity that more than a limited number of influential politicians should be in the secret. The names of Adams and Pinckney being brought forward in a private caucus of the Federal members of Congress, held for the purpose of agreeing upon candidates to be supported by the party, it was recommended, pretty unanimously, that both should be voted for equally; but the opponents of Adams secretly hoped that means might be found to secure for Pinckney the larger vote. A similar caucus of the opposition members selected as their candidates Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr, with the distinct understanding, however, that Jefferson XIV. CHAPTER ly divided, New England and the states south of Pennsylvania, according to this calculation, would balance 1800. each other. The result, then, would depend upon New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania. But it was doubtful whether Pennsylvania would vote at all, or, if she did, her vote might be equally divided. The old law of that state for a choice of electors by general ticket had expired, and the Federalists who controlled the Senate would not agree to renew it. Should a choice by districts be agreed upon, each party might safely calculate on about half the electors. It was whispered, indeed, that Governor M'Kean meant to order an election under the expired law; or should the opposition, at the approaching election for members of Assembly, obtain a sufficient majority, to call the Legislature together for a choice by joint ballot. But the Senate might still refuse to concur in this proceeding; and it was to counteract any irregular projects of this sort that Ross's bill for canvassing the electoral votes the occasion of the proceedings against Duane had been introduced into the Senate. Supposing Pennsylvania not to vote or to be pretty equally divided, the electors of New Jersey, a state exceedingly doubtful, would not be numerous enough to be of any use to either side without New York. In that state the choice of electors was to be by the Assembly in joint ballot; and such was the known strength of parties in the rest of the counties, that the majority in joint ballot was sure to depend upon the result in the city of New York, where twelve members were to be chosen on a single ticket. While so much depended on the state, and even the city of New York, the latter the focus of Hamilton's influence, policy would not allow, by the rupture of the cabinet, the betrayal to the public of any internal dissensions. XIV. The same motives which operated with Adams to pre- CHAPTER vent the dismissal of his now hostile secretaries, had operated also with them to prevent their resignation. The 1800. success of their plans, as well as of Adams's, required a Federal majority in the electoral colleges; and the greatest caution was necessary lest any blow aimed at Adams personally might result in the defeat of the Federal party. The man upon whom the ultra Federalists had fixed their eyes as on the whole their most reliable and available candidate, was Charles C. Pinckney, the late envoy to France, whose conduct in that mission, at once spirited and discreet, and whose patriotic behavior respecting military rank, had brought him conspicuously before the public, while his Southern citizenship might, perhaps, secure votes not attainable by any Northern man. The method, as the Constitution then stood, of voting for two candidates, without distinction as to the office for which they were intended, the one receiving the highest number of votes to be president, furnished peculiar facilities for quietly displacing Adams without seeming to make any open attack upon him; and even without the necessity that more than a limited number of influential politicians should be in the secret. The names of Adams and Pinckney being brought forward in a private caucus of the Federal members of Congress, held for the purpose of agreeing upon candidates to be supported by the party, it was recommended, pretty unanimously, that both should be voted for equally; but the opponents of Adams secretly hoped that means might be found to secure for Pinckney the larger vote. A similar caucus of the opposition members selected as their candidates Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr, with the distinct understanding, however, that Jefferson XIV. CHAPTER was the choice of the party for president. Both these caucuses were held with profound secrecy, and their pro1800. ceedings, instead of being formally reported and published in the newspapers, were only diffused among the local leaders by personal communication and private correspondence. News having been received, toward the end of the session, of the arrival of the new envoys in Europe, and of May 10. the prospect of a favorable result, an act was passed for the discharge, with three months' extra pay, of all the officers of the additional regiments, and of the men so far as they had been enlisted. But, though warlike preparations by land were thus abandoned, the commercial non-intercourse, and the arming of merchant vessels, continued by acts of the present session, were still adhered to. The navy afloat, increased to nine frigates and twenty-five smaller vessels, still kept the seas in two principal squadrons, one on the St. Domingo station, the other, under Truxton, off Guadaloupe; but, from the necessities of the service, the vessels were generally scattered. Truxton, in the Constellation, while cruising alone Feb. 1. off Guadaloupe, discovered a large vessel, to which he gave chase. It was the French frigate La Vengeance, of fifty guns, with from four to five hundred men, bound for France, with a large quantity of specie and of other valuable goods on board, which made her lay very deep in the water. The Frenchman attempted to escape, but after a two days' chase, Truxton succeeded, about eight o'clock in the evening, in bringing on an action. The two ships, running side by side, kept up the contest till near one o'clock the next morning, by which time the Frenchman's fire being completely silenced, he hauled off and drew out of the combat. While attempting again to get alongside, Truxton discovered that the braces of XIV. his mainmast were all shot away, and before they could CHAPTER be supplied the mast went by the board, thus giving the Frenchman a chance of escape, which he hastened to im- 1800. prove. The Constellation, having lost thirty-nine men killed and wounded, bore up for Jamaica for repairs. The French frigate, almost a wreck, and with upward of a hundred and fifty men killed or disabled, succeeded in getting into Curaçoa, where she was condemned as unfit for further service. Truxton's gallantry in this action, the news of which arrived before the adjournment of Congress, was acknowledged by the vote of a gold medal. March 29. |