CHAPTER tablished the Morning Chronicle, edited by Dr. Irving; XVI. and besides newspaper articles, several virulent pam1802. phlets were published on both sides. As to the alleged intrigues on occasion of the presidential election, Burr's friends suggested in whispers, which presently, however, found their way into print, not a little to Burr's injury, that since his election Jefferson had given offices to Dent, Linn, Livingston, and Claiborne, four of the six persons whom it had been expected might vote for Burr, and in fulfillment, as it was hinted, of promises made to secure their fidelity. Lyon's son had also received a clerkship; and Bailey, who alone remained unprovided for, was soon added to the list as post-master of New York.

Nor was the controversy confined to print. John Swartwout, who had obtained, through Burr's interest, the office of marshal for the district of New York, challenged De Witt Clinton for having called him "a liar, a scoundrel, and a villain." Five shots were exchanged. Though twice wounded, Swartwout still kept his ground, and demanded to go on; but Clinton, after consulting with his seconds, threw down his pistol, and refused to fire again. In this excited state of political feeling, several other political duels occurred, some of them fatal.

The re-establishment of the colonial empire of France was a favorite project of Bonaparte's, and with that view the cession of Louisiana had been obtained. But these American projects had met with some checks. Toussaint had followed up his treaty with the British for the neutrality of St. Domingo by taking possession of the Spanish part of the island (January, 1801), which he claimed for France under the treaty of Basle. He had also caused a code and a new constitution to be proclaimed (July 1), under which he was declared president for life. This example was presently imitated by the

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black and colored population of Guadaloupe, who, head- CHAPTER ed by Pelagie, seized the governor sent out by Bonaparte, forced him on board a Danish vessel in the harbor, 1802. and established a provisional government (October 21, 1801). Before this rising took place, the preliminary articles of the peace of Amiens had been already signed (October 1); and before the end of the year, a great fleet and army, under Le Clerc, Bonaparte's brother-in-law, were sent to subdue the rebellious negroes of St. Domingo. This army, regarded with great suspicion by Toussaint and his black generals, only effected a landing by force, and a new civil war ensued, subjecting that unhappy Feb. country to new desolations. A momentary peace was patched up, by false assurances on the part of Le Clerc May 1. that he did not intend to re-establish slavery, and by promises of liberty and equality to the inhabitants without regard to color. Guadaloupe submitted about the May 7same time, though not without resistance, to another fleet and army sent against it. A simultaneous decree of the French legislative body, for the re-establishment May 17. of West Indian slavery and the slave trade as they had stood in 1789, gave the lie to Le Clerc's assurances, and afforded undeniable evidence that the dream of liberty and equality was over. On suspicion of a new revolt in St. Domingo, Toussaint was treacherously seized June. and sent to France, where he died in confinement. But the arms of the negroes, led by Christophe and Dessalines, and greatly aided by the diseases of the climate, rapidly thinned the ranks of the French army, which, being Julythus employed in St. Domingo, was unable to carry out Bonaparte's original plan for the detachment of a force to take possession of New Orleans.

Notwithstanding this disappointment, the occupation of Louisiana was still kept in view by Bonaparte, by this

22.

Dec.

CHAPTER time consul for life, and, in spite of the forms of a conXVI. stitution, already managing every thing at his own will 1802. and pleasure. All Livingston's long memoirs to prove

how useless the territory would be to the French made no impression, and that minister found himself obliged to Nov. write home that a special expedition was about sailing to take possession of New Orleans, and that the greatest oppressions of American commerce on the Mississippi, and even attempts to seize Natchez and corrupt the Western people, might be expected; whence he argued the necessity of "strengthening ourselves by force and ships at home and alliance abroad"-recommendations not much in consonance with Jefferson's favorite policy, or with the doings of the late session of Congress.

Before this letter of Livingston's was written, the Spanish intendant of Louisiana, as if to anticipate the Oct. 16. wishes of the French, had issued a proclamation interdicting the privilege secured by the treaty of 1795, of depositing American merchandise at New Orleans. This privilege, as respected that very spot, had indeed been limited to three years; but the treaty also provided, in a clause overlooked or disregarded by the intendant, that if the Americans were deprived of the use of New Orleans, some other convenient place of deposit should be provided for them somewhere else on the banks of the Mississippi. This interruption to their commerce produced a great commotion in the Western country, and led to emphatic remonstrances from the governor and Legislature of Kentucky, threatening to drive the administration to a speedy use of force.

In this excited state of the public mind, the seventh Dec. 6. Congress came together for its second session. The president's message called attention to a proposal, on the part of Great Britain, to abolish the discriminating duties mu

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tually allowed by the treaty of 1794; mention was CHAPTER made of the ratification by Georgia of the recent convention respecting the territory west of the Chattahoo- 1802. chee; of the cession of Louisiana to France; and of the continuance of hostilities with Tripoli, for the more effectual prosecution of which the building of some small vessels was proposed. The message also alluded, with much exultation, to the paying off within the year of five millions and a half of the public debt, toward which, however, one million had been obtained by the sale of bank stock-a procedure by no means satisfactory to the Federalists. Surveys and plans were also submitted for constructing a dry dock at Washington, in which the public vessels not in use could be laid up dry, and under cover from the sun-a scheme which exposed the president to not a little ridicule.

The most interesting proceedings of the House related to the cession of Louisiana to France, and the interruption, by the Spanish governor, of the navigation of the Mississippi, for information as to which Griswold pro- 1803. posed to call upon the president. This motion was zeal- Jan. 5. ously opposed by Randolph, and was voted down by the Jan. 7. majority, as likely to interfere with pending negotiations. The same fate attended another resolution offered by Griswold, asserting the right of the people of the United States to the navigation of the Mississippi, and proposing an inquiry as to the proper means to maintain it. The House could only be induced to express their "great sensibility" at the interruption of the navigation of the Mississippi, occasioned, they presumed, by unauthorized misconduct of the Spanish officers; at the same time declaring their "perfect confidence in the wisdom and vigilance of the executive," and "their unalterable determination to maintain the rights of commerce and naviga

CHAPTER tion on the Mississippi, as established by existing treaties."

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1803.

Feb. 18.

The interest taken in this matter by the Federal members Jefferson ascribed to a desire to force the country into a war in order to derange the finances; or, if they failed of that, at least to gain the favor of the Western States by an appearance of zeal on their behalf. Such were the suggestions made to Monroe, whom the president informed, in the same letter, of his appointment to proceed to Paris to co-operate with Livingston in a negotiation for the purchase of New Orleans and the adjacent territory. Monroe's constitutional term of office as governor of Virginia had lately expired-his successor in that office being John Page, the same amiable enthusiast formerly one of the Virginia representatives in Congress-and it was necessary to provide for him in some way, especially as his pecuniary circumstances were rather involved.

Somewhat later in the session, the ferment in the Western country continuing to increase, Ross brought forward in the Senate a series of resolutions, authorizing the president-in retaliation for the violation of the rights of the United States by the neglect to provide a place of deposit on the Mississippi-to take possession of New Orleans, and for that purpose to call out 50,000 militia, toward which the resolutions proposed to appropriate five millions of dollars. Instead of these resolutions, a subMarch 3. stitute was adopted, and made the foundation of an act, by which the whole matter was intrusted to the discretion of the president, with authority to direct the governors of the states, should he see occasion for it, to detach and hold in readiness 80,000 volunteers. Two Feb. 26. millions of dollars were also appropriated, at the president's request, under the head of foreign intercourse, as