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Teachers who have achieved some seniority rights often apply for transfer to schools away from the slum neighborhoods, where working conditions are at best difficult. The result is that slum schools are often staffed by either newly hired or substitute and emergency teachers. This is a real problem if one wishes to improve education in these neighborhoods. I suggest that school boards might examine the possibility of paying teachers in these schools more than teachers in other schools.

In his concluding observations, Dr. Conant makes this observation on page 14, under the subheading "As to the Schools in the Large City Slums":

The contrast in the money spent per pupil in wealthy suburban schools and in slum schools of the large cities challenges the concept of equality of opportunity in American public education. More money is needed in slum schools.

Dr. Conant has made it clear that where de facto segregation results from residential patterns, there is found the acute problem in the public schools which he mentions and describes so clearly, and that it is largely a racial problem because of the low economic status of Negroes in the great cities, which are becoming more and more crowded with Negro citizens. How futile would it be if we enacted the proposed law without any hope whatsoever that its provisions, no matter how well planned or how sions, no matter how well planned or how well motivated, would apply in such a way as to correct conditions of the kind which Dr. Conant mentions.

Mr. President, in Monday's Washington Post the well-known columnist, Joseph Alsop, writing from New York City under the title "The White Reaction," goes right to the heart of many of the

On page 146 he makes these further points Dr. Conant makes in his book, and observations:

The answer to improving Negro education in the large northern cities is to spend more money and to upgrade Negro schools, many of which are in slums, rather than to effect token integration by transporting pupils across attendance lines.

I invite attention to that, Mr. President, because here is a clear statement by Dr. Conant to the effect that the schools in the communities where the children live should be upgraded, that it is no right or proper answer to the problem to "effect token integration by transporting pupils across attendance lines."

Dr. Conant continues:

More teachers and perhaps more pay for teachers are necessary for schools in the slums than in either the high-income districts of the large cities or the wealthy suburbs. Special training programs teachers in slum schools are needed.

for

Mr. President, these are disturbing observations made by a distinguished American citizen whom I am sure every member of this body holds in high regard-both as a distinguished educator and as a patriotic American.

It must be clear from the quotations I have read-and I invite the attention of Senators to the whole text-that Dr. Conant is firmly of the feeling that mere accomplishment of integration by law, when the segregation which now results is de facto and not by law, would accomplish nothing whatsoever. In the schools, to which he refers, there is already integration by law. It is the neighborhood from which the children come which prescribes the family and the home background which their children have.

I hope with all sincerity and fervently-that those who, in haste without considering the harmful results of what they would do to both the white citizen and the Negro citizen, will read Dr. Conant's wise counsel and give heed to it. I can think of no better service to their country they can perform-and no greater contribution they can make in seeking to help the Negro citizen.

I trust all Senators-from both sides of the aisle will take the time to study Dr. Conant's book, as we continue the debate upon the great issue facing us-and the country.

to which I am addressing myself today. I do not believe anyone can charge Mr. Alsop with being prejudicial to the cause of the southern people, any more than one would dare to charge Dr. Conant with feeling such prejudice.

As the title of Mr. Alsop's column indicates, he brings into sharp focus what he cates, he brings into sharp focus what he refers to as "the first signs of northern white reaction to Negro action."

He points out that the Negro movement against de facto school segregation, which had been gaining emotional momentum in New York City for a long mentum in New York City for a long time, culminated recently in a citywide school boycott.

I digress, Mr. President, at this time to point out that on the very day Mr. Alsop's column appeared, on Monday of this week, New York City had its second civil rights boycott of its million-pupil public school system-the second within the last 6 weeks, the first of which Mr. Alsop referred to.

He then points out that white parents, who object to forced transfer of their children to schools outside their neighborhoods, have organized a counteractive movement which, started on a shoestring, has mushroomed to a claimed membership of 500,000 persons. It is the organization which turned out the 21,000 demonstrators who marched on New York City Hall last week, about which I make further reference in my remarks. In other words, Mr. President, the Negroes in New York City boycott the schools protesting the inadequacy of the school system's program for the mixing together of the races by crossing attendance lines, whereas the white people of New York angrily protest against it.

I request permission, Mr. President, to include Mr. Alsop's article in the RECORD as part of my remarks at this point. I should also like to read several paragraphs from it.

There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows:

[From the Washington Post, Mar. 16, 1964]

THE WHITE REACTION

(By Joseph Alsop)

movement entered its present phase, sen-
NEW YORK CITY.-Ever since the civil rights
sible political observers have waited, glumly
and forebodingly, for the first signs of
northern white reaction to Negro action.

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American society's injustice to its Negro minority is so obvious and so unpardonable majority feel guilty. Guilt feelings have thus delayed and deterred northern white resistance to the Negroes' demands. But the resistance has now begun.

that most members of the northern white

Furthermore, unless all concerned take realistic note of what is happening, this emerging northern white resistance can too fects. To cite one symptom, former Vice easily have profound long-term political efPresident Richard M. Nixon has lately taken to dropping hints that are apparently aimed at suburban homeowners like those in Seattle, who fear a loss of their real estate values because of Negro home buyers.

So this is a problem which is unpleasant to face, yet needing to be faced. The form the problem takes here in New York is worth trying to summarize because it is so illuminating.

To begin with, the Negro movement against de facto school segregation has been gathering force and gaining emotional momentum for a long while. It culminated recently in a citywide school boycott. Most of the established Negro leaders in New York had no real sympathy for the boycott, yet in view of the feelings of their people, few other leaders openly opposed the boycott organizer, the Reverend Milton A. Galamison.

The boycotters were protesting the inadequacy of a reform recently approved by the board of education. Under this program, where a predominantly white school and a predominantly Negro school are not too far apart, the pupils will be mixed together; and buses will be provided, where necessary, to carry pupils from their own neighborhoods to the new mixed schools.

White parents who object to their children being taken to schools outside their neighborhoods have in turn organized what is called the Parents and Taxpayers Movement. The movement was started on a shoestring, but it has mushroomed to a claimed membership of 500,000. It turned out demonstrators for a march on city hall last Thursday.

Despite the deference to minorities usually shown by New York City politicians, an estimated majority of more than two-thirds of the city councilmen oppose bus-transfers of schoolchildren out of their own neighborhoods. The problem belongs to the board of education rather than the city council, yet the feelings of the councilmen are probably an even more important indicator than the recent protest march.

In short, the white majority seems to regard as excessive the same concessisons which the Negro minority has already condemned as wholly insufficient. If this proves to be the case, the two groups are on a collision course; and the question is whether a

collision can be avoided.

Especially in view of the moral justice of the Negroes' cause, some boldness is needed to suggest that a collision certainly ought to be avoided.

But it is a practical fact that the real trouble with the schools in New York's Negro ghettos is not that they have almost no white pupils. Merely changing a school's complexion from brown to pepper and salt does not after all improve the school. Those who believe in such a remedy believe in a kind of racialism.

The real trouble with these schools, and with most other schools of their type right

across the United States, is that they are pretty bad schools. Furthermore, they serve neighborhoods which in fact need schools finer and better in every respect than the city's middle class neighborhoods, for in these teeming slums, the school must do much of the work that the home normally does in neighborhoods that are not so horribly deprived.

Besides less of the old discrimination, in truth, a quite new kind of discrimination is also needed. Invest twice as much per pupil in schools in deprived neighborhoods. Discriminate in favor of the slums, then the slum school will become a social lever and the lever will pry open the ghetto doors in the end. It is right to ask for justice, but it is also necessary to ask for useful justice. Mr. HOLLAND. Mr. Alsop writes:

In short, the white majority seems to regard as excessive the same concessions which the Negro minority has already condemned as wholly insufficient. If this proves to be the case, the two groups are on a collision course; and the question is whether a collision can be avoided.

This is Mr. Alsop speaking. Mr. Alsop also goes right to the core of the educational issue when he points out most effectively that the answer is really not integration or segregation, but the improvement of schools for both races. I would like to quote the following sentences from his excellent article on that point:

But it is a practical fact that the real trouble with the schools in New York's Negro ghettos is not that they have almost no white pupils.

Merely changing a school's complexion from brown to pepper and salt does not, after all, improve the school. Those who believe in such a remedy believe in a kind of racialism.

The real trouble with these schools, and with most other schools of their type right across the United States, is that they are pretty bad schools.

Besides less of the old discrimination, in truth, a quite new kind of discrimination is also needed. Invest twice as much per pupil in deprived neighborhoods. Discriminate in favor of the slums, then the slum school will become a social lever and the lever will pry open the ghetto doors in the end.

It is right to ask for justice, but it is also necessary to ask for useful justice.

Just yesterday, Wednesday of this week, Mr. Alsop wrote a second article on the serious situation existing in New York City which appeared in the Washington Post of March 18.

He told of a visit he made to Public School 184 "a high, narrow, bleak structure like an Edwardian jail, where 1,500 kids from the most leprously rundown part of Harlem get their primary schooling."

I shall read only the most pertinent points Mr. Alsop makes, after which I shall insert his article in the RECORD for all Senators to read.

Referring to the principal of Public School 184, a Mrs. Kate Tuchman, whom he described as a "cheerful, determined self-confident woman who has been a New York City teacher for 19 years," Mr. Alsop wrote, quoting Mrs. Tuchman:

"What you have to understand if you're going to get anywhere as a teacher in this sort of neghborhood," Mrs. Tuchman began briskly, "is that these children are different. They're not different because they are poorer human raw material than children in a mid

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dle-class or suburban neighborhood. Most Wright, a young Negro who was a lieutencertainly not. ant-paratrooper in Korea before he took up teaching.

"They're different because so many of them come from homes that are hardly homes at all-often without a father, often with a working mother, almost always without a single book. Lots of children first come to school barely knowing the simple words to express what they feel."

Then Mrs. Tuchman stated the theme, which she and young Wright

This refers to Bobby Wright, a Negro, her assistant for community affairsthen developed antiphonally, as it were. Almost everything they said arose, in one way or another, from the central problem. The problem is that in a hideously deprived neighborhood, the children are special cases, simply because of the environment which nourishes them-or rather, fails to nourish them.

Mr. Alsop concluded:

The schools of the slums have a harder, heavier task than the schools of the middle class neighborhoods and if the task is to be fulfilled, America's slum schools need special

support, in the form of extra money, extra teachers, finer buildings, larger playgrounds, and so on and on. Furthermore, every dollar invested to make these schools into effective social levers will save $10 later on.

I request permission to insert Mr. Alsop's article at this point of my remarks. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows:

[From the Washington (D.C.) Post, Mar. 18,

1964]

THE REAL SCHOOL PROBLEM

(By Joseph Alsop)

NEW YORK CITY.-The time was just before the second round of the New York City school boycott. The place was Public School 184, a high, narrow, bleak structure like an Edwardian jail, where 1,500 kids from the most leprously rundown part of Harlem get their primary schooling.

Earl Brown, deputy borough president of Manhattan, and one of the few Negro leaders who has openly criticized the school boycott, had brought me to Public School 184 "to see how far you can go if you just make a start-even if you have hardly anything to begin with."

Unlike too many other of slum schools, Public School 184 has a cheerful interior that belies its forbidding facade. The halls and classrooms are clean and neat—although here and there teachers have been forced to use bright children's drawings to cover peeling paint and crumbling plaster.

The children are gay and well mannered, there is no hint, here, of the "Blackboard Jungle."

To be sure, this school, like so many others, has no playground of its own, but the kids has no playground of its own, but the kids can use the playground and even the swimming pool of a private social welfare center across the street. And for 2 whole years Public School 184 has even boasted its own

small school library.

"The point is," Earl Brown told me, “that the teachers here haven't given up. In a lot of schools in this kind of neighborhood, they give up. They think that if they can just keep order, more or less, they are doing pretty well. They don't even try to teach. They even say so, right out loud. But you'll soon see what I mean about not giving up."

What he meant indeed became clear when

we reached the principal's office. The prin

cipal of Public School 184, Mrs. Kate Tuchman, is a cheerful, determined, self-confident woman who has been a New York City teacher for 19 years. She received us with her assistant for community affairs, Bobby

"What you have to understand if you're going to get anywhere as a teacher in this sort of neighborhood," Mrs. Tuchman began briskly, "is that these children are different. They're not different because they are poorer human raw material than children in a middle class or suburban neighborhood. Most certainly not.

"They're different because so many of them come from homes that are hardly homes at all-often without a father, often with a working mother, almost always without a single book. Lots of children first come to school barely knowing the simple words to express what they feel."

Then Mrs. Tuchman stated the theme, which she and young Wright then developed antiphonally, as it were. Almost everything they said arose, in one way or another, from the central problem. The problem is that in a hideously deprived neighborhood, the children are special cases, simply because of the environment which nourishes themor rather, fails to nourish them.

"Take schoolbooks," said Wright, "what's the use of giving our children books about blond-haired kids in pretty houses in the suburbs with trees and gardens? They've never seen a house like that. They've hardly seen a tree. Only this year, we've begun to get books adapted to our needs."

The central problem has a score of aspects. More men teachers are needed, for instance, because as Mrs. Tuchman put it, "with so many homes with no men in them,

lots of our children need men teachers in order to have a man to relate to." Again, the hard conditions of jungle-slum life produce an unduly high percentage of nervously disturbed children, and more special schools are needed to help these unlucky ones, whose presence is also a handicap to the healthy majority.

Yet the job can be done, "if you just understand the basic problem," as Mrs. Tuchman put it. The job is being done, in fact, at Public School 184. There are very few substitute teachers here, internes come to Public School 184 from the teachers' colleges, to learn the ways of the school; and appointment. many of the internes apply for permanent

"They like the challenge, once they get over their fear of the neighborhood," said Mrs. Tuchman.

This challenge, is to prepare the children to pry open the door into the other America, the affluent America, whose very culture, whose whole way of life, is absolutely foreign to the culture of the ghetto-slums.

But if this challenge is to be met in full, more will be needed than the dedicated efforts of the Bobby Wrights and the Kate Tuchmans of the teaching profession.

The schools of the slums have a harder, heavier task than the schools of the middle class neighborhoods and if the task is to be fulfilled, America's slum schools need special support, in the form of extra money, extra teachers, finer buildings, larger playgrounds, and so on and on. Furthermore, every dollar invested to make these schools into effective social levers will save $10 later on.

Mr. HOLLAND. Mr. President, much has been said-and much has been made in the northern press of what has been said and has been distorted completely out of all reason to the effect that the Negro is deprived of an education in the South and only can acquire an education by the integration of all schools in both the North and the South.

That, Mr. President, is a fallacy for which many who should know better, have fallen, and many who do not know

better, have taken it as the truth-which it is not. I shall now proceed to disprove that contention-not with emotion, not with prejudice, and not with propaganda, which is so artfully used by many advocates on the other side of this issue but with the cold logic of facts, backed by statistics prepared by three of our most highly regarded governmental institutions-the Bureau of the Census, the Office of Education, and the Library of Congress.

The information which I shall hereafter present has been prepared only after long and careful study over a period of many weeks by experts in this field who have given as much as a quarter of a century of their life's work in the educational field-and who have specialized in the very area under discussion today-the education of the Negro.

Contrary to what others may stateand to what others may believe-and I do not doubt the sincerity of many of the advocates of this phase of the civil rights issue-the Negro student and the Negro teacher in America has far greater opportunity for advancement and recognition in the States where segregation in education has been prevailing for so many years-than in the State where it has not.

The 1960 census shows that in the 17 Southern States classed by the Bureau of the Census as such, the ratio of Negro teachers, educators, and school administrators to Negro population in those States was in 1960, 8.4 per thousand population. Mr. President, I request permission to insert the table from the Bureau of the Census in the RECORD at this point in my remarks.

There being no objection, the table was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows:

TABLE 1.-Ratio of Negro teachers to Negro population in 17 selected Southern States 1

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I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the RECORD a table supplied by the Bureau of the Census.

There being no objection, the table was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows:

Ratio of Negro teachers to Negro population by States (per 1,000 population), 1960 census

Alabama.. Alaska Arizona.

Arkansas.

State

California. Colorado Connecticut.

Delaware...

Florida.. Georgia. Hawaii Idaho.

Iowa.. Kansas. Kentucky. Louisiana.. Maine.... Maryland..

Teachers Ratio

19.7 4.5 8.7

3.4

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In connection with that, I recall vividly the article written by Dr. Benjamin Fine, formerly the educational editor of the New York Times, and one of the country's foremost authorities on education, which was published in the New York Times of August 26, 1957.

Dr. Fine's article showed clearly how difficult it was for a Negro to obtain a teaching job in New York City-and how much out of proportion the ratio of white teachers to Negro teachers was in that great metropolis-and probably still is today-although I do not have available statistics at the present time to show just how much. I intend to 5.9 obtain the statistics if it is possible to 8.7 do so and bring them into this debate at 1.5 a later date.

24.2 4.7 1.7

4.7

Total Negro population

980, 051 6,858

9, 483

31

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7.5

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Illinois.

1,037, 068

Indiana.

4, 280

268, 358

1,259

24, 941

44

91, 027

424

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I find the highest ratio in those States of the Old South is that in North Carolina-9.9, and the second highest in Alabama-9.7. I am proud that the State which I represent in part, Florida, has a ratio of 8.5. The lowest ratio in any Southern State is in Kentucky, 5.9.

Now let us see what the ratios of Negro teachers and educators to Negro populations-per thousand population—are in some of the other great States of the some of the other great States of the Nation where legal integration prevails.

Unfortunately, the U.S. Office of Education and, I understand, the National Education Association and many State educational authorities, no longer publish information which would give accurate answers with respect to such questions as:

First. How many Negro students are attending desegregated colleges, universities, medical schools and other institutions of higher education throughout the United States outside of the South?

Second. How many Negro candidates who have applied for admission to these institutions have not been able to meet the qualifications to be admitted to them?

The Legislative Reference Service of the Library of Congress, which, in my opinion, is one of the finest research organizations in the country, has been unable to obtain information for me on such matters from either Government or privately published sources. The only

way I know to possibly obtain such data would be to contact institutions of higher education throughout the Nation directly-and I have been informed that the registrars of many of the Nation's educational institutions do not maintain a distinction on the basis of race, and if they had such information, in all probability they would decline to give it out.

I wonder, Mr. President, how much the pressures brought to bear by the NAACP, the Congress of Racial Equality, and other militant Negro organizations has had to do with the blackout of this kind of information concerning Negro education.

I have been informed that certain educators, Government officials, and representatives of private educational associations have been subjected to intimidation by the more aggressive Negro organizations which are causing such great turmoil in the country today.

The point made by one such highly credible individual, none of whom I would identify, when an inquiry was

made concerning certain information, was "that the NAACP would not like it." I shall never forget one particularand to me, very sad-point Dr. Fine made. He reported that in 1955, when some 500 southern Negro teachers lost their jobs because of desegregation following the unwise decision of the Supreme Court in 1954, New York City school authorities suggested that they apply for positions in New York City. He then reported that 2 years later, in 1957, it appeared from his investigation that not a single one of those discharged Negro teachers "had found his way into the New York City public school system."

I, of course, have no way of knowing today how many, or whether any, of those 500 discharged Negro teachers to whom Dr. Fine referred ever found their way into the New York City school system or how many more discharged Negro teachers, if any, have gone to New York since that time in search of jobs.

However, New York was not alone in its difficulties that integration of the public school system brought then-as Dr. Fine reported in 1957-and brings today.

In his article, which I shall shortly place in the RECORD, Dr. Fine reported upon the problems which existed in Philadelphia, Cleveland, Detroit, Chicago, and elsewhere, which problems, as we all know, continue to exist and, as a matter of fact, have increased in their intensity as almost every day's newspaper reports.

For instance, Dr. Fine's article showed that in 1957 there were four all-Negro high schools in Cook County, of which Chicago is the heart, along with three others whose student populations were more than 90 percent Negro. He stressed the point that the big problem the Cook County School Board faced was the difficulties involved in the placement, employment and advancement of Negro teachers. In 1957-and this is a startling statistic-of 10,000 teachers in the Greater Chicago area, only 100 were Negroesand 60 of those were in one school district-Robbins. Bear in mind that Illinois State law barred discrimination because of race, but Dr. Fine stated flatly: Many districts do not hire Negroes.

I do not have available comparable statistics reflecting the situation that exists in Chicago or the other great cities of the North. I do not have them, Mr. President, for the reasons which I have previously given the Legislative Reference Service of the Library of Congress, which has looked into this matter for me, has not been able to obtain the figures for me because, apparently, the public school systems of the North either no longer compile statistics on that basis or if they do they keep them secret.

For the benefit of Senators who may not remember Dr. Fine's devastating, but forthright and objective analysis of the plight of the Negro schoolteacher in our country's largest city and who, perhaps, would desire to read it again or make further reference to it, I ask unanimous consent to have Dr. Fine's article printed at this point in the RECORD.

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The problems are somewhat different from those in the South. Most of the woes are caused by the residential patterns in the North, as well as the South. Negroes usually live in certain districts or areas within a community. As a result, their children attend schools that are predominantly all Negro.

Of late, there has been a slow shift in population trends. Some Negroes are moving to the suburbs. Others are entering public housing developments, on a biracial basis. Schools are getting a greater proportion of Negroes, under these circumstances.

A SURVEY MADE HERE

The result has been agitation by leading Negro groups to hasten integration. New York City is a prime example. The fight over integration is gaining momentum. Two years ago the board of education appointed a commission on integration to survey existing conditions and make necessary recommendations.

This last spring the six subcommissions reported to the board. Their recommendations covered such areas as community relations, zoning, teacher placement, and substandard school facilities. Two of the reports-those dealing with zoning and with teacher assign

ments-created considerable controversy.

The commission urged the school board to

reevaluate its present policy on integration. It proposed that wherever possible, existing de facto segregation be modified. They urged that experienced teachers be assigned to the difficult all-Negro or predominantly Puerto Rican schools. And they asked that school districts be modified on the junior and senior high school levels to permit greater integration patterns.

MAJOR PROBLEMS FOR NORTH

fied with the efforts by Dr. William Jansen, superintendent of schools, or the board of education, in implementing the recommen

The integration commission is not satis

dations. The commission will meet with

Charles H. Silver, board president, early next month to air its grievances.

What are the major problems facing the Northern States on the desegregation issue? Legally, these States have outlawed segregation. The statute books insist that all children, regardless of race, creed, or color, attend the same schools. In practice, though, there are often gaps between what the law

says and what actually takes place.

Recently the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, New York State Conference of branches, presented a memorandum to Dr. James E. Allen, New York State commissioner of education, outlining the steps some communities take to

circumvent the laws on segregation. The association charged that in some instances segregation had been preserved or extended by these means:

The manner in which school zone lines have been drawn.

The selection of sites for new schools.

The practice of permitting white children in predominantly Negro zones to transfer to other schools.

The failure or refusal to alter school zone lines to include white children attending overcrowded schools in proximity to allNegro or predominantly Negro schools when the latter schools become underenrolled because of population shifts.

The practice of expanding schools in allNegro or predominantly Negro areas to take care of increased Negro populations in these areas rather than alter school zone lines to permit Negro children to attend other noncapacity schools.

EMPLOYMENT OF TEACHERS

In addition to the de facto segregation, the charge is frequently leveled at northern school boards that they discriminate in the employment of Negro teachers. Some of the metropolitan suburban areas are gradually appointing Negro instructors. But thus far it is done on a token basis. A suburban school system will boast that it has employed one or two Negroes on its faculty.

A case is now pending in the courts to compel the Union Free School District 16, Elmont, Nassau County, N.Y., to employ a Negro teacher. Mrs. Dorothy Brown applied for a teaching post, but when it was learned that she was a Negro, the suit charges, she was not employed.

Whatever the outcome of the Brown case, it is well known that it is not so easy for a Negro to get a teaching post as a white teacher.

When some 500 Southern Negro teachers lost their jobs because of desegregation, school officials in this city suggested that they apply for positions here. Vacancies exist in junior and senior high schools.

That was 2 years ago. It now appears as if not a single one of the discharged Negro teachers found the way into the New York City school system.

New York is also plagued with law suits over its zoning laws. Two are pending in the courts, seeking to overthrow the district lines that separate all-Negro from white or mixed schools. Here the pupils were assigned to schools in their own district. But the suit charges that the pupils would be forced to go to inferior all-Negro schools. The parents say they are ready to transport their children to schools out of their district, and a mile or more away from their homes.

These suits are being watched with great interest by school officials as well as parents. Upon their outcome may well depend the speed with which this city ends de facto segregation.

But New York is not alone with its woes and integration headaches. Comparable problems exist in many major cities of the North.

In the Philadelphia school system, most schools are mixed. Where they are not, it is because of residential patterns.

Where schools are all-white or all-Negro, the teachers and administrators also are either all-white or all-Negro. There is some agitation for faculty integration but the board of education has rejected the request. It points to the peaceful and wonderful progress over the last decade. In the public schools where the pupils are mixed the teachers are, too.

The Philadelphia Teachers Association, a 6,000-member affiliate of the National Education Association, recently elected its first Negro, a woman, as its president.

Gov. George M. Leader reported on May 15 that a survey by the department of public instruction has showed that three Pennsylvania school districts practiced limited segregation of Negro pupils. The Governor threatened to cut off State funds and invoke

legal sanctions against the districts unless segregation was eliminated. Governor Leader fixed October 1 as the deadline for compliance.

In Chicago and its surrounding area, the integration question is beginning to attract attention. There are four all-Negro high schools in Chicago and three others that have more than 90 percent Negroes.

The big problem the county school system faces is the placing of Negro teachers. Their numbers have been increased by migration from the South.

Of 10,000 teachers in the county districts, only 100 are Negroes; 60 of these are in one district-Robbins. Although Illinois law bars discrimination because of race, many districts do not hire Negroes.

Elsewhere in the State all-Negro schools exist because of residential patterns and in some cases because of traditions and habits. An example of the latter is in Cairo, where the Negro population is fairly evenly distributed in the community and children may choose their school. Although they have the option, Negro children continue to attend the schools Negro children have always attended.

The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People in Chicago is making a study to find means to end de facto segregation. Two workshop conferences on the problem have been held this month.

FACING THE PROBLEM

One suggestion is that integration would be promoted in Chicago by changing school districts to run from east to west instead of from north to south. Integration in high schools could be increased if the arrangements for feeding elementary school graduates into high schools were revised, it has been suggested.

A bill that would have required Chicago to redraw its school district lines was defeated in the legislature at the last session. Incidentally, the rezoning issue is giving New York City school officials their greatest headache.

The nonwhite population of Detroit is estimated at 360,000 out of a total population of 2 million. Here, as in the other northern cities, the most serious racial problem stems from residential segregation. As a consequence, Detroit has many schools

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In general, the situation in suburban communities is similar to that in Detroit. How

ever, a few have maintained a lily-white status through tacit residential restrictions.

The Greater Cleveland school boards are confronted with many integration problems. A few Cleveland schools in predominantly colored districts have a 100-percent Negro enrollment. Others have from 5 to 70 percent.

In Cleveland's numerous suburbs, segregation is a matter of boundaries. In recent years Negroes have been moving in large numbers to the outskirts of the city, but with several minor exceptions have not succeeded in moving into the suburbs.

Despite the setbacks for integration in the North, one fact emerges clearly: segregation is not encouraged, nor is it the policy of the school boards. It is a community

problem, based on the reluctant or even cynical acceptance, in some communities, of Negro residents. It is basically a residential pattern, which has concentrated the bulk of all Negroes within definite areas in each community.

But with this residential trend breaking down, and with a gradual spreading of Negroes into other districts, the question of school integration will assume growing proportion in the next few years.

As New York City has found, integration will not lie still much longer. The North, as well as the South, has learned that the Supreme Court decision of May 17, 1954, has left a host of still to be answered questions in its wake.

Mr. HOLLAND. Mr. President, to continue with reference to the ratios of Negro teachers to Negro population in other States where segregation in education has not been in effect-the ratio for the great State of Massachusetts, to

Total Negro population, 1960, and total instructional staff of predominantly Negro schools and colleges in selected States and the District of Columbia, 1961-62

many the cradle of higher education, especially those of Harvard descent, is but two-tenths percent higher than New York's 2.8 per thousand, as contrasted with the 8.4 per thousand in the Southland.

California-which has the second largest number of public institutions of higher learning of all the States-and those, indeed, are institutions of the highest caliber which are doing a magnificent job of educating our young people-has a ratio of but 3.8 per thousand, compared to the 8.4 per thousand in the Southland.

To mention but a few more-Connecticut, the homeland of another great American university, Yale, as well as many other fine colleges-has a ratio of 3.2 per thousand. Ohio, 3.7; Michigan, 3.8; Pennsylvania, 3.8, also; Minnesota, 3.9; Illinois, 4.2. In each case, except for Illinois, the ratio is well below half the number found in the South, indicating a much greater opportunity for Negroes both for employment and advancement in the teaching profession which exists in the South.

I single out those I have mentioned merely to portray as clearly as statistics can, the situation which exists-and to show how forced integration of our public school system is injuring both the Negro teacher's chance to get a teaching position and to advance in his profession after he obtains it.

There are two other tables which bear directly upon this problem-to which I attach the greatest significance, Mr. President, and to which any fairminded person who really has his fellowman's interest at heart-would attach significance and be concerned about. I ask unanimous consent that these two tables be printed at this point in the RECORD.

There being no objection, the tables were ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows:

Total, Negro population, 1940, and total instructional staff of schools and colleges for Negroes in specified States and the District of Columbia, 1943-44

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1 U.S. Census of Population, 1960. Series PC(1)D, table 96.

2 "Statistical Summary of School Segregation-Desegregation in Southern and Border States," Southern Education Reporting Service, Nashville, Tenn., November 1961.

3 Unpublished data from U.S. Office of Education.

4 Estimated by U.S. Office of Education.

Ratio of Negro teachers to Negro population per thousand is 10.2.

• Ratio of Negro teachers to Negro population per thousand is 10.1.

1 Includes; for schools, teachers, supervisors and principals; for colleges, instructional and administrative staff.

2 Public day schools.

3 All institutions of higher education.

4 States having separate educational systems for Negroes.

Sources: Second column-U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States, 1947, p. 20. Third column-U.S. Federal Security Agency, U.S. Office of Education, Biennial Survey of Education in the United States, 1942-44, ch. II, Statistics of State School Systems, 1943-44, p. 71. Fourth column-Unpublished data obtained from the Research and Statistical Service, U.S. Office of Education.

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