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they would require additional funds to be budgeted. In other words, the differences in cost would be too minor in any one place to involve anything but the most nominal budget impact.



(1) Reference to section 4 of the Travel Expense Act of 1949, as amended (5 U.S.C. 837), is substituted for the reference to the act of February 14, 1931, as the latter was repealed by section 9(a) of the Travel Expense Act of 1949 and replaced by section 4 of that act.

(2) Substituting 11 for 7 in the second parenthesis would permit reimbursement for

the transportation of up to 11,000 pounds of

household goods and personal effects, rather than 7,000 pounds.

(3) This subsection provides new authority to pay a per diem allowance in lieu of subsistence expenses of the employee's immediate family while en route between the old duty station and the new duty station, and subsistence expenses for both the employee and his immediate family for up to 30 days while occupying temporary quarters at the new duty station.

Payments for per diem expenses of family members could not be made at rates greater than the maximum per diem rates established pursuant to section 3 of the Travel Expense Act. Payment for subsistence while occupying temporary quarters would be made on an actual expense basis. Average daily rates per person will be prescribed by regulation. However, payments may not be made at rates in excess of maximum per diem rates pursuant to section 3 of the Travel Expense Act for the localities in which the tem

porary quarters are located.

Per diem expenses may be paid for family travel inside or outside the United States. Payment for subsistence while occupying temporary quarters could be made only if the new duty station is within the United States,

ability of the funds will be consistent with the proposed subsection 1(a) (3) above.


This section would add a new section 23 to the Administrative Expenses Act. Subsection (a) of section 23 provides that under regulations to be established by the President, when transferred employees or new appointees are assigned to permanent stations in isolated locations in the continental United States which do not have residence quarters, they may be reimbursed for stor

age of household goods for up to 3 years. The weight of goods stored plus the weight of any goods moved may not exceed the total weight the employee would be entitled to move if no goods had been stored. Alaska is

excluded from coverage because employees in

Alaska may now store household goods under Public Law 88-266.

Under subsection 2(b) reimbursement for storage expenses would not be authorized for persons whose travel orders were dated more than 60 days before the effective date of the section.


By setting an effective date of 60 days after enactment this section would provide time for necessary changes in travel regulations to be made.


Mr. METCALF. Mr. President, inasmuch as the House Appropriations Committee today recommended against further coinage of silver dollars and suggested that study be given to melting down the existing supply, I, on behalf of myself and my colleague, the senior Senator from Montana [Mr. MANSFIELD], introduce the following bill:

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of



Mr. KEATING. Mr. President, at the request of the distinguished Senator from Wyoming [Mr. SIMPSON], I ask unanimous consent that the joint resolution (S.J. Res. 161) proposing an amendment to the Constitution of the United States relating to religion in the United States, be allowed to remain on the desk through March 30, for additional cosponsors.


out objection, it is so ordered.


Mr. NELSON. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the resolution (S. Res. 305) establishing the Select Committee on Combating Poverty, submitted by me last week, remain at the desk until next Wednesday, for additional cosponsors.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.


Mr. SPARKMAN. Mr. President, on behalf of the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations, I desire to announce that today the Senate received the nomination of Henry L. T. Koren,

the territories, Puerto Rico, and the Canal Representatives of the United States of of New Jersey, to be Ambassador to the

Zone. (Temporary quarters overseas are now covered under the Overseas Differentials and Allowances Act.)

(4) Reference to section 5 of the Travel Expense Act of 1949 (5 U.S.C. 838) is substituted

for the reference to the Subsistence Expense Act of 1926 (5 U.S.C. 828), as the latter was repealed by section 9(a) of the Travel Expense Act of 1949 and replaced by section 5 of that act.


This subsection inserts the words "and when determined to be more economical for the Government" after the words "United States" in subsection (b) of section 1 of the Administrative Expenses Act.

Subsection (b) presently authorizes, under regulations of the President, the use of the commuted rates system for transportation of employees' household goods between posts of duty in the contiguous 48 States and the District of Columbia. Ordinarily, it is believed that this system should be retained for use but occasionally transportation costs to the Government can be substantially reduced through use of Government bills of lading. Some flexibility is needed so that the Government bill of lading system may be used when these savings can be accomplished. By the insertion, flexibility would be provided so that either system could be used depending on which would be more economical to the Government. The Government bill of lading system presently applies outside the contiguous 48 States and the District of Columbia.


The changes in this subsection are necessary so that the language concerning avail

America in Congress assembled, To amend "nine" to "eight" and "one" to "two" to section 321 of title 31, U.S.C., by changing read as follows:

"The standard for silver coins of the United States shall be such that of one

thousand parts by weight eight hundred shall be of pure metal and two hundred of alloy. The alloy of the silver coins shall be of copper."

The intrinsic value of the silver in the dollars is such that it is almost profitable for silversmiths to melt them down for metallic uses. Passage of my bill will make it possible for the Federal Government to make a profit from the coinage of silver dollars, and to permit the continued use of silver dollars as a medium of exchange in Montana and other Western States where they are the traditional and the accepted monetary unit.

I ask unanimous consent that the bill be held at the desk through Friday, March 27, for additional cosponsors.

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. WALTERS in the chair). The bill will be received and appropriately referred; and, without objection, the bill will lie on the desk, as requested by the Senator from Montana.

The bill (S. 2671) to redefine the silver content in silver coins, introduced by Mr. METCALF (for himself and Mr. MANSFIELD), was received, read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Banking and Currency.

Republic of the Congo.

In accordance with the committee rule, this pending nomination may not be considered prior to the expiration of 6 days of its receipt in the Senate.


Mr. ROBERTSON. Mr. President, since I was quoted in today's issue of a New York newspaper as being opposed to the recommendation of the Joint Economic Committee that Congress repeal the present 25-percent gold backing for our currency, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the RECORD a brief explanation of my opposition to that proposal.

There being no objection, the statement was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows:


In 1933 the United States went off the


gold standard over the bitter protests of my predecessor, Carter Glass, but continued it for the benefit of foreign governments and central banks holding our dollars. der the Gold Reserve Act of 1934, a reserve was established against Federal Reserve and other notes and deposits in Federal Reserve banks.

However, with the exception of a brief period in 1945, just before the reserve requirement for Federal Reserve notes was

reduced from 40 to 25 percent, there was sufficient gold over and above the required reserve so that, if the Federal Reserve Board had not exercised caution, excessive inflation could have occurred, and could still occur. For example, the $2.6 billion of "free" gold at the present time could be used by the Federal Reserve to increase bank reserves by about something like $10 billion, and even at present reserve requirement levels, this could generate up to almost $75 billion in demand deposits.

The U.S. Government now maintains a gold reserve only for two purposes: First, to provide the statutory 25-percent backing for Federal Reserve and other notes and deposits in Federal Reserve banks; and second, to enable the Government to maintain our international gold standard under which we stand ready to supply gold to foreign governments and central banks at $35 an ounce in exchange for dollars.

As everyone knows, our gold balance has shrunk over the past 15 years from a high of $24.8 billion in August 1949 to $15.6 billion at the end of 1963. During the same period the "free" gold-the gold not required as backing for Federal Reserve notes, etc., and therefore available to support our international gold standard-has shrunk from $14.3 billion to $2.6 billion.

This decline in our "free" gold stock is the visible symbol of the balance-of-payments

situation. It is the net cost of our $100 billion foreign aid program.

In the last few quarters, the decline in our "free" gold supply has slowed down greatly. Our balance-of-payments situation has improved, and I hope we will be able to continue this improvement until we have eliminated the deficit.

In the meanwhile, suggestions have been made from time to time to eliminate the 25percent gold reserve behind our currency. The purpose usually given for these proposals is to free additional supplies of gold to meet our international commitments and to maintain our international gold standards.

I do not agree with these proposals. I do not think the elimination of the 25-percent gold reserve at this time is either necessary or desirable.

The gold reserve behind our currency was fixed at 25 percent in 1945. This was a reduction from the previous figures, 40 percent on Federal Reserve notes and 35 percent on deposits. Obviously, the precise figure has no vital significance in and of itself.

My objection is not based on the theory that 25 percent is the perfect figure. My objection is based on my view that the elimination of the reserve would provide for the executive branch an additional $15.6 billion of "free" gold which it could use to carry along an unfavorable balance of payments without taking the unpleasant actions which will undoubtedly be necessary in order to eliminate the unfavorable balance of payments.

Under the present arrangements, if our balance of payments is not corrected before the $2.6 billion of "free" gold we now have is gone, the Federal Reserve System is authorized to suspend the reserve requirements for 30 days and for succeeding 15-day periods, but the Board of Governors must impose on the Reserve banks a tax, depending on the amount of the deficiencies. These taxes would, in turn, increase the discount rates charged by the Reserve banks.

When this happened, the Congress would be in an excellent position to require the executive branch to exercise the sound fiscal and monetary policies which would be necessary to correct the balance of payments. Some of these measures we might find as unpleasant as those the International Monetary Fund seeks to impose on financially un

stable governments around the world. The United States, like other nations, finds it hard to exercise financial self-restraint.

Of course, even if the 25-percent gold reserve requirement is abandoned now, the United States would have to face up to its balance-of-payments problems in the long run. I should greatly prefer, however, for Congress to review the matter and have an opportunity to correct the balance-of-payments problems while we still have $15.6 billion of gold kept as a reserve against our currency.

In short, I think keeping this 25-percent gold reserve requirement is a symbol to the world of our determination to face up to and to solve our balance-of-payments problems and to maintain a sound dollar.


Mr. ROBERTSON. Mr. President, when Paul J. Delaney, of Hudson, N.Y., ascertained that I was a charter member of the American Legion Lexington Post No. 186, he wrote me that he was a charter member of the Legion Hudson Post No. 184. With his letter, he sent me a copy of his letter of February 27, written on American Legion stationery, to his two New York Senators.

Today, I received a letter from Mr. Delaney's hometown friend, Germond Buffington, Esq., with which he enclosed his answer of the 16th to Senator KEATING'S attack upon our mutual friend, Mr. Delaney. I ask unanimous consent that the Buffington letter be printed in the RECORD.

There being no objection, the letter was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows:

HUDSON, N.Y., March 16, 1963. Senator KENNETH B. KEATING, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C.

MY DEAR SENATOR: I have read with considerable interest and apprehension your attack in the press on Mr. Paul Delaney.

According to the press, you termed Mr. Delaney's letter an example of the increasing amount of "hate" letters which you are receiving from the Northeast.

Had you searched from Plattsburgh to New York City, you could not have found one person less capable of writing a "hate" letter.

Mr. Delaney is a devout Roman Catholic who has absorbed and lived the best that the Catholic Church has to offer.

The writer is a Protestant and I assume that you also are a member of the Christian Church. But if either you or I have absorbed half the Christianity, or practiced it in our daily living that Mr. Delaney has, you and I are indeed fortunate.

Mr. Delaney has made a lifelong study of the Constitution, and the defense of it has consumed much of his time. I know of no one whose detailed familiarity with the Constitution is more complete.

It would seem that the citizens of the United States have a right to expect that their Senators and Congressmen be at least as familiar with the Constitution as are some private citizens.

Furthermore, the citizens have a right to expect that these representatives conduct their activities within the framework of the Constitution which they have sworn to up

hold and defend.

With a piece of legislation as all encompassing and as fatal to republican form of government as is this piece of legislation, the citizens have a right to expect that their representatives will make an especial

ly exhaustive study of the Constitution as regards that particular legislation. Apparently for some unknown reason you either have not chosen to do that or you deliberately plan to circumvent the Constitution.

Inasmuch as both of Mr. Delaney's statements about the Communist action directives and the provisions of the present so-called civil rights bill are so unquestionably true according to Senate and congressional records, one is forced to ask you if your unjustified attack upon Mr. Delaney is to be construed as simply a personal attack, or may we now assume that you are at last coming out openly in defense of the Communist conspiracy.



EFFORTS TO RESUME DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS BETWEEN SOUTH VIETNAM, LAOS, AND CAMBODIA Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, a very heartening news story from South Vietnam appeared in the New York Times yesterday. In an article written in Saigon, Peter Grose reported that General Khanh is making efforts to resume normal diplomatic relations with Laos and Cambodia, and that his initiatives have been welcomed by the heads of government of these countries. The United States has wisely encouraged General Khanh in this course. especially hopeful that this improvement in relations will lead to a settlement which will not only close the CambodianVietnamese borders to the infiltration of supplies and men from the North and otherwise prevent misuse of Cambodian territory by the Vietcong, but will also allay Cambodia's longstanding fear of Vietnamese territorial expansion at the expense of the Khmer people. This fear, deeply rooted in Indochinese history, has been a serious destabilizing influence in this area, irrespective of its present validity.

I ask unanimous consent that this article be printed in the RECORD at the conclusion of my remarks.

There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows:

[From the New York (N.Y.) Times, Mar. 19, 1964]


(By Peter Grose)

SAIGON, SOUTH VIETNAM, March 18.-Premier Nguyen Khanh seized the diplomatic initiative in southeast Asia today. He disclosed two moves aimed at drawing neighboring Cambodia and Laos into an antiCommunist accord.

The Premier said he was ready to reestablish normal diplomatic relations with Laos, putting his government on record as not objecting to sending diplomatic representation to a capital where the Communist regime of North Vietnam also is represented. At the same time Premier Khanh named a delegation to meet Prince Sihanouk in Pnompenh as quickly as possible to discuss delicate border issues. The Foreign Ministry anounced that an 11-man delegation headed by Brig. Gen. Huynh Van Cao would fly from Saigon to Pnompenh tomorrow morning.

Swift diplomatic developments in the last few days led officials here to the guarded hope that the North Vietnamese regime could be isolated or at least hampered in its support for the Communist insurgents in South Vietnam.

Accords with Laos and Cambodia could have an immense effect on South Vietnam's struggle against the Communist guerrillas. For this reason American officials, including Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara, have been urging Premier Khanh to adopt a position of flexibility in settling old scores with neighboring countries.

The aim of the talks with both Cambodia and Laos will be to cut off as much as possible border supply routes and safe havens that have permitted recent largescale Communist attacks.

Reliable sources disclosed that General Khanh met last weekend with Gen. Phoumi Nosavan of Laos for a military planning session in the Vietnamese mountain resort of Dalat. General Khanh left Saigon immediately after Secretary McNamara and Gen. Maxwell D. Taylor, head of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff, ended their 5-day visit Thursday night.

The sources said the Laotian general was conferring with the full support of Prince Souvanna Phouma, the neutralist Laotian Premier, who, following a recent visit to Cambodia, is believed to have moved toward the rightist position of favoring an accord with South Vietnam.

Premier Khanh declined to discuss military aspects of his talks with the Laotians. Independent observers noted that military coordination between General Khanh and Gen. Phoumi Nosavan would be hampered by the weakness of the Laotian general's forces and the terrain along the Laos-South Vietnam frontier.

Asked about normalizing diplomatic relations with Laos, however, Premier Khanh said: "We are ready to send representation to Vientiane as soon as possible." He said his government had no objection in principle to the presence in Vientiane of North Vietnamese diplomats. This so-called two Vietnams question led to the disruption of relations with Laos by the late South Vietnamese President Ngo Dinh Diem, toward the end of 1962.

As in the two-Chinas situation involving the Communist and Nationalist regimes, the Saigon Government has refused to post diplomats in capitals where the Hanoi regime also was represented.

Commenting on the position of the Diem regime, which was ousted in a coup d'etat last November, Premier Khanh said, "We are now more realistic.":

Western diplomats have long urged reestablishment of ties with Laos if only to maintain valuable contacts and intelligence sources in a neighboring country that also is close to North Vietnam.

The opening for an accord with Cambodia

arose when Prince Sihanouk abruptly canceled plans to send a delegation to Hanoi to seek an agreement with North Vietnam. There had been reports that the Cambodian leader wanted to open diplomatic relations with Hanoi.

Diplomatic informants here believe that the Hanoi regime gave only half-hearted response to the Prince's approach, offering to

support Cambodian neutrality, but hesitat

ing on the question of entering into border discussions as Prince Sihanouk requested. Cambodia and North Vietnam do not have a

common frontier but the Prince was believed to have hoped to entice Hanoi into negotiating in the name of all Vietnam on the southern frontier issues.

Diplomats noted that if this was Prince Sihanouk's intention, recognition of Hanoi as the Government for all Vietnam went well

beyond any claims of the Communist North Vietnamese regime. They suspect that the North Vietnamese leaders were as mystified by Prince Sihanouk's frequent changes of position as are the Western Governments. They believe that the Communists were unwilling to enter into close accords because of the unpredictability of the Cambodian leader.


Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, it was with surprise and regret that I heard last night and read in this morning's papers that Pierre Salinger had resigned as press secretary to President Johnson. The same feelings mark my reaction to the resignation of Andrew Hatcher, who was Mr. Salinger's assistant in this most important position.

Mr. Salinger and Mr. Hatcher have both been outstanding in their individual capacities under the Presidency of the late John Fitzgerald Kennedy and President Lyndon B. Johnson. I know that they both worked in close accord with President Johnson and they gave to him their utmost in devotion, ability, and integrity.

Pierre Salinger brought to the White House an exuberance and a talent which will be sorely missed. Andrew Hatcher brought a stability and a soundness of outlook which made them a very effective team. To both of them I wish to extend my very best wishes for a job very well done, and to express the hope, also, that their manifold talents will continue to be used by the Democratic Party in the months and years ahead.

Though I regret the leaving of both of these devoted public servants, I am extremely pleased that George Reedy, a long and honorable friend of many of us here in the Senate, has been designated to succeed Mr. Salinger. George Reedy George Reedy is a first-rate newsman, and will make an excellent press secretary to President Johnson, whom he has served so long, so faithfully, and so well. It is good news, indeed, that in this transition period the reins will be taken over by a man of experience, knowledge, and ability.

The job of White House press secretary is not an easy assignment, but, rather, a demanding one. It calls for integrity, devotion, and know-how; and, in all these respects, Pierre Salinger and Andrew Hatcher lived up to expectations. George Reedy will do no less; and I know I speak for his many friends in the Senate when I wish for him good health, good work, and good luck in the difficult period which faces this country in the months and years to come.

Mr. President, it is with deep regret that I watch Pierre Salinger and Andrew Hatcher leave us; it is with confidence that I look forward to George Reedy's taking over the reins.

I ask unanimous consent that the exchange of letters between President Johnson and Pierre Salinger be printed in the RECORD, together with an article entitled "Exuberant Newsman," which was published today in the New York Times.

There being no objection, the letters and the article were ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: [From the New York (N.Y.) Times, Mar. 20, 1964]


WASHINGTON, March 19.-Following are the texts of Pierre Salinger's letter of resignation as White House press secretary and President Johnson's acceptance:


"DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: It is with sincere

regret that I submit my resignation as White House press secretary. It has been a privilege which comes to few men to serve in this great office for over 3 years. I leave the office with sadness and with many warm recollections.

"I have made this decision for personal reasons which I will explain to the public in the very near future.

"I want to tell you what an honor it has November when been to serve you since that dark day in President Kennedy was killed. You have grasped the reins of Government with a sure and firm hand and restored faith not only in our country but throughout the world in our constitutional system. I am confident that the country will continue to grow and prosper under your able leadership in the years to come and I hope that the opportunity will come at some future time to serve you and your administration.

"With my warm gratitude for many and repeated kindnesses, I am,



"DEAR PIERRE: I accept your resignationbut only with the greatest regret and with a reluctance that bows only to your strong personal desire to return to California.

"You have served your country well in the past 3 years. I greatly appreciate the faithful and competent service you have given me talents have been indispensable, and they since I became President. Your energy and will be sorely missed.

"I hate to see you go. I will always be grateful for the help and devotion you have shown me but above all, for your friendship. "Sincerely,


[From the New York (N.Y.) Times,
Mar. 20, 1964]



WASHINGTON, March 19.-Pierre Emil George Salinger, gourmet, cook, bon vivant, confidant of Presidents, poker player extraordinary and manager of news, flew back to California yesterday, a big Washington figure no more. Mr. Salinger, who resigned as President Johnson's news secretary for the uncertain future of a California Senate campaign, left behind him a host of friends, a host of critics, a lot of questions, and an empty place at the luncheon table at Sans Souci, a French restaurant of local repute.

No one knew for sure why Mr. Salinger and

President Johnson had come to a parting of the ways, but the departure of the portly, cigar puffing news secretary with his spectacthe headlines, was one more indication that ular vests, informal manner, and flair for the Washington of John F. Kennedy's day was slowly, surely disappearing.

Few Government officials were more closely identified with Mr. Kennedy than was Mr. Salinger. It was he at whom Mr. Kennedy

aimed his quips during the 50-mile hike craze. It was Mr. Salinger who drank milk at a news conference when Mr. Kennedy tried to assure the public against a radiation scare (and it was the correspondents, who knew the news secretary's real habits, who gave him a bottle of wine in compensation).


It was "Lucky Pierre," as some of his poker and golf companions call him, who earned fame for hitting the clubhouse with his drive when he and Mr. Kennedy played golf at the Hyannis Port Country Club last sum


Mr. Salinger once held a news conference around a piano at a Hyannis Port restaurant, and played tennis at the staid Newport Casino in a yellow shirt and blue shorts-or vice versa. He appeared in party hats in his White House office, smoked cigars of Churchillian length, and probably threw more raises into more poker pots than any White House habitue since Warren G. Harding.

For all his colorful ways and what reporters thought was a masterly inattention to detail, Mr. Salinger helped effect profound changes in presidential press relations. He put Mr. Kennedy on live television for news conferences, and that had never been done before. And he helped arrange Mr. Kennedy's unusual interview with Aleksei I. Adzhuboi, the son-in-law of Premier Khrushchev.

When Mr. Johnson took office, Mr. Salinger was a guiding spirit in the impromptu news conferences the new President held in his office and over a bale of hay at the L.B.J. ranch.


He came within an inch of arranging an exchange of television appearances in the Soviet Union and the United States for Mr. Kennedy and Mr. Khrushchev, and he put more emphasis on live television than any press secretary ever had-Mr. Kennedy's and Mr. Johnson's nationally televised interviews with network correspondents, for instance.

Reporters who worked with Pierre Salinger day by day viewed him as convival, talented and dedicated to Mr. Kennedy, but none too devoted to the interests of the press. Few accused him of underhanded dealings; but even fewer believed he lived up to his own ideal of being a reporter for the press, a man who would provide other reporters with straight news of the President's activities.

Mr. Salinger came to the White House staff by way of an investigating reporter on the San Francisco Chronicle, the old Collier's magazine and services as an investigator on the Senate committee that investigated labor racketeering. Robert F. Kennedy was counsel and Senator John F. Kennedy was a member of the committee.

When Mr. Johnson took office last November Mr. Salinger seemed to have adjusted to the Texan's new ways better than any other member of the Kennedy staff. But within weeks of the new President's swearing in, there were rumors that neither man was entirely happy in the relationship.

Mr. Salinger was born in San Francisco, January 14, 1925. He has been married to the former Nancy Joy of Spokane, Wash. He has three children.

Mr. Salinger's past includes a period as a child pianist of prodigious ability. His future is unknown, California being a State the politics of which are extremely difficult to predict.

As he leaves Washington, those who knew

him here have mixed reactions. There are few who will not concede that working with him was usually fun, frequently exciting, and sometimes delightful. Nobody ever accused Pierre Salinger of being a bore.


Mr. KEATING. Mr. President, the first day of this month recalled tragic memories of the merciless slaughter of the cream of Polish youth at Katyn Forest 24 years ago. The New York Division of the Polish-American Congress has adopted a resolution requesting that the ments of the congressional investigation Secretary of State transfer the documents of the congressional investigation into this horrible event to the General Assembly of the United Nations. I entirely support this effort to publicize the barbaric acts of the NKVD.

I request unanimous consent that at the conclusion of my remarks this resolution be included in the RECORD.

There being no objection, the resolution was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows:


Assembled on this 24th anniversary of the massacre of nearly 5,000 Polish Army Officers by Soviet NKVD agents in the Katyn woods near Smolensk, Russia, we, Americans of Polish birth or origin, resolve as follows:

Whereas the people of Poland are unable to express their true sentiments regarding the Katyn massacre; and

Whereas the guilt for the said massacre has been duly established by a Special Congressional Katyn Committee under the chairmanship of Representative RAY J. MADDEN, of Indiana; and

Whereas a congressional resolution to have the voluminous documentary data of the said Special Katyn Committee transmitted to the General Assembly of the United Nations-was never carried out; and

Whereas previously, the Nuremburg War Crimes' Tribunal failed to convict the said NKVD culprits in the Katyn massacre, as were some Nazi war criminals: therefore

We respectfully petition the Secretary of State of the United States to order the transmission of the aforesaid Katyn documents to the General Assembly of the United Nations for proper action; and

We also entreat the Secretary of State to consider the grave dangers to our national security implicit in some phases of the execution of the present cultural exchange program with the U.S.S.R.

IGNATIUS MORAWSKI, Chairman Resolution Committee. FRANCIS J. PROCH, Executive Vice President.


Mr. KEATING. Mr. President, I am honored to join in a most significant appeal for religious freedom and an end to discrimination and persecution of members of the Jewish faith in the Soviet Union. This appeal, signed by prominent authorities on Soviet political life, as well as religious leaders, authors, union leaders, educators, and attorneys, should serve an important purpose in arousing the people of this Nation and the world as to the extent of the Soviet repression of Jewish cultural and religious practices. It deserves the endorsement of national leaders in all fields as

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There being no objection, the document was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows:


genuinely desire the eradication of the evils We appeal to all those in the U.S.S.R. who of Stalinism and who, with us, thirst for truth, justice, and decency.

We appeal to the Soviet authorities to act in this matter on the basis of their own ideological, constitutional, and legal commitments.

We fervently hope that the following specific steps may be taken:

1. Jewish education in all its forms should be permitted.

2. Jewish cultural institutions should be reopened and Jewish artistic life-literature, theater, music, in Yiddish and Hebrewshould be allowed to develop fully.

3. Central institutions to serve the religious needs of Soviet Jewry should be established; obstacles to the performance of

sacred rites should be removed.

4. Formal religious and cultural bonds with Jewish communities abroad should be allowed, official exchange visits permitted, and the right to make religious pilgrimages to the Holy Land granted.

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5. Permission for Jews to leave the U.S.S.R., so that they may be reunited with families in other lands from whom they have been separated, should be implemented. 6. The anti-Jewish character that strongly colors the official campaign against economic crimes should be eliminated. 7. A vigorous educational campaign against anti-Semitism should be undertaken.

We issue this appeal in all solemnity as a matter of urgency and elementary decency. We cannot keep silent so long as justice is not done on this problem.

Dr. Stringfellow Barr, Professor of Hu-
manities, Rutgers University; Dr.
Markus Barth, Professor of Theology,
Pittsburgh Theological Seminary; Mr.
Paul Barton, Chief, Economic and So-
cial Affairs, International Confedera-
tion of Free Trade Unions; Dr. Ray-
mond A. Bauer, Professor of Business
Administration, Harvard University;
Mr. Ralph Bellamy, Actor; Mr. Saul
Bellow, Novelist; Dr. James H. Billing-
ton, Professor of History, Princeton
University; Miss Patricia Blake, Writer;
Dr. Sarah Gibson Blanding, President,
Vassar College; Mr. Irving Brown,
United Nations Representative, Inter-
national Confederation of Free Trade
Unions; Dr. Zbigniew Brzezinski, Di-
rector, Research Institute on Commu-
nist Affairs, Columbia University; Dr.
F. Byrnes, Chairman, Department of
History, Indiana University.
Mr. James B. Carey, President, Interna-
tional Union of Electrical, Radio,
& Machine Workers; Dr. Lawrence
H. Chamberlain, Vice President, Co-
lumbia University; Dr. Kenneth B.
Clark, Professor of Psychology, City
College of New York; Dr. Lewis A.

Coser, Professor of Sociology, Brandeis University; Mr. Norman Cousins, Editor, Saturday Review.


Dr. Henry David, former President, New School for Social Research; Dr. William C. Davidon, Associate Professor of Physics, Haverford College; Dr. Herbert A. Deane, Professor of Government, Columbia University; Dr. Fred W. Dupee, Professor of English Literature, Columbia University. Dr. Samuel Eilenberg, Professor of Mathematics, Columbia University; Mr. Ralph Ellison, Novelist; Dr. Thomas I. Emerson, Lines Professor of Law, Yale Law School; Dr. Alexander Erlich, Associate Professor of Economics, Columbia University; Dr. Victor Erlich, Bensington Professor of Russian Literature, Yale University. Dr. Merle Fainsod, Director, Russian Research Center, Harvard Professor of Government, Harvard University; Sponsor, Conference on the Status of Soviet Jews; Mr. James Farmer, National Director, Congress of Racial Equality; Dr. Lewis S. Feuer, Professor of Philosophy, University of California; Mr. Louis Fischer, School of Politics, Princeton University; Rev. George B. Ford, Pastor Emeritus, Corpus Christi Church; Dr. Harry Emerson Fosdick, Minister Emeritus, Riverside Church; Dr. James Franck, Nobel Prize Laureate in Physics, 1925; Professor of Chemistry, University of Pittsburgh; Dr. Charles Frankel, Professor of Philosophy, Columbia University; Mr. Seymour Freidin, Executive Editor, Foreign News, New York Herald Tribune; Dr. Maurice Friedberg, Professor of Russian Literature, Hunter College.

Mr. Oscar Gass, Economic Consultant; Mr. Mark Gayn, Political Analyst, Toronto Star; Dr. Leo Gershoy, Professor of History, New York University; Mr. Robert W. Gilmore, Executive Director, Turn Toward Peace; Dr. Eli Ginzberg, Professor of Economics, Columbia University; Director, Conservation of Human Resources Project; Mr. B. Z. Goldberg, Journalist; Mr. Erich Goldhagen, Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Hunter College; Dr. Marshall I. Goldman, Associate Professor of Economics, Wellesley College; Dr. William E. Griffith, Research Associate, Center for International Studies, Massachusetts Institute of Technology; Mr. Leo Gruliow, Editor, Current Digest of the Soviet Press.

Dr. Louis M. Hacker, Professor of Economics, Columbia University; Dr. Fowler Harper, Simeon E. Baldwin Professor of Law, Yale University; Rev. Donald S. Harrington, Minister, the Community Church of New York; Rev. Theodore M. Hesburgh, President, University of Notre Dame; Mr. William J. vanden Heuvel, President, International Rescue Committee, Mr. Granville Hicks, Literary Critic; Mr. Herbert Hill, Labor Secretary, National Association for the Advancement of Colored People; Mr. Maurice Hindus, Author and Journalist; Dr. Irving Howe, Professor of English Literature, Hunter College; Editor, Dissent, Socialist Quarterly; Rev. Blahoslav S. Hruby, Associate Editor Religion in Communist Dominated Areas; Dr. H. Stuart Hughes, Professor of History, Harvard University; Cochairman, Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy. Dr. Alex Inkeles, Professor of Sociology, Harvard University; Dr. Homer A. Jack, Executive Director, National Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy; Dr. Norman Jacobs, Director of Publi


cations, Foreign Policy Association; Mr. Julius Jacobson, Editor, New Politics, a Socialist Quarterly; Dr. Peter Juviler, Assistant Professor of Political Science, Hunter College.

Dr. Arcadius Kahan, Associate Professor of Economics, University of Chicago; Dr. Horace M. Kallen, Emeritus Professor of Philosophy, New School for Social Research; Dr. Abraham Kaplan, Professor of Philosophy, University of Michigan; Mr. Alfred Kazin, Literary Critic; Mr. H. L. Keenylside, Chairman, British Columbia Hydro and Power Authority; Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., President, Southern Christian Leadership Conference; Sponsor, Conference on the Status of Soviet Jews; Mr. Stanley Kunitz, Poet. Mr. Arthur Larson, Director, World Rule of Law Center, School of Law, Duke University; Mr. Joseph P. Lash, U.N. Editor, the New York Post; Dr. Abba P. Lerner, Professor of Economics, Michigan State University; Dr. Daniel Lerner, Director, Center for International Studies, Massachusetts Institute of Technology; Professor of Sociology, Massachusetts Institute of Technology; Mr. Edward Q. Lewis, Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters; Dr. C. Eric Lincoln, Professor of Social Relations, Clark College; Dr. Leon Lipson, Professor of Law, Yale Law School; Mr. Robert Lowell, Poet; Rev. John A. Lucal, S.J., Associate Editor, America. Dr. Dwight Macdonald, Writer; Dr. Robert M. MacIver, President, New School for Social Research; Mr. Archibald MacLeish, Poet, Playwright; Mr. Bernard Malamud, Novelist; Dr. Jacques Maritain, Professor Emeritus, Princeton University; Former French Ambassador to the Vatican; Dr. Rufus W. Mathewson, Jr., Associate Professor of Russian Language and Literature, Columbia University; Mr. B. F. McLaurin, Vice President, Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters; Dr. Seymour Melman, Professor of Industrial Engineering, Columbia University; Mr. Arthur Miller, Playright; Dr. Ashley Montagu, Anthropologist; Miss Marianne Moore, Poet; Mr. Edward P. Morgan, Political Commentator; Dr. Hermann J. Muller, Nobel Prize Laureate in Medicine and Physiology, 1946; Professor of Zoology, Indiana University; Dr. A. J. Muste, Editor, Liberation Magazine; Secretary Emeritus, Fellowship of Reconciliation. Dr. Ernest Nagel, John Dewey Professor of Philosophy, Columbia University; Dr. Jerome Nathanson, Member of Board of Leaders, The Society for Ethical Culture; Dr. Henry Neumann, Member, Board of Leaders, The Society for Ethical Culture.

Mr. William S. Paley, Chairman of the Board, Columbia Broadcasting System; Dr. Jan Papanek, Vice Chairman, International League for the Rights of Man; Rt. Rev. James A. Pike, Episcopal Bishop of California; Sponsor, Conference on the Status of Soviet Jews.

Dr. Eugene Rabinowitch, Editor, Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists; Sponsor, Conference on the Status of Soviet Jews; Mr. Alan Reitman, Associate Director, American Civil Liberties Union; Mr. Walter Reuther, President, United Automobile Workers of America; Sponsor, Conference on the Status of Soviet Jews; Dr. David Riesman, Henry Ford II Professor of Social Sciences, Harvard University; Dr. John P. Roche, Morris Hillquit, Professor of Labor and Social Thought, Brandeis University; Chairman, Americans for Democratic Action; Mr. Harold Rosen

berg, Art and Social Critic; Dr. Alvin Z. Rubinstein, Associate Professor of Political Science, University of Pennsylvania.

Mr. J. B. Salsberg, Writer; Mr. Maurice Samuel, Writer; Dr. Meyer Schapiro, Professor of Art History, Columbia University; Mr. James H. Scheuer, Former President, Citizens Housing and Planning Council of New York City; Dr. Benjamin I. Schwartz, Professor of Government, Harvard University; Mr. Max Shachtman, Socialist Leader; Historian; Dr. Samuel L. Sharp, Professor of International Relations, the American University; Mr. Howard K. Smith, Political Commentator; Dr. Gene Sosin, Director of New York Bureau, Radio Liberty; Mr. I. F. Stone, editor, I. F. Stone's Weekly; Mr. Rex Stout, Writer; Miss Marie Syrkin, Associate Professor of Humanities, Brandeis University.

Dr. Telford Taylor, Professor of Law, CoMr. lumbia University; Norman Thomas, Socialist and Peace Leader; Sponsor, Conference on the Status of Soviet Jews; Dr. Lionel Trilling, Professor of English, Columbia University; Dr. Melvin Tumin, Professor of Sociology, Princeton University.

Mr. Robert Penn Warren, Novelist and Poet; Sponsor, Conference on the Status of Soviet Jews; Dr. Herbert Wechsler, Harlan Fiske Stone Professor of Constitutional Law, Columbia Law School; Dr. Morton White, Professor of Philosophy, Harvard University; Mr. Roy Wilkins, Executive Secretary, National Association for the Advancement of Colored People; Mr. David C. Williams, Former National Director, Americans for Democratic Action (ADA); Mr. Edward Bennett Williams, Attorney; Dr. Avrahm Yarmolinsky, Former Chief, Slavic Division, New York Public Library.


Mr. KEATING. Mr. President, on Wednesday of this week Mr. Frederic G. Donner, chairman of the board of General Motors Corp., made public General Motors' capital spending plans for plants and equipment for the years 1964 and 1965.

In dollars and cents terms, it was revealed that General Motors' program will entail capital expenditures over the 2year period of almost $2 billion, the largest for any such period in its entire history. Mr. Donner is quoted as having said that when the projected plants are built and equipped and the added capacity is put to use, General Motors anticipates an increase of about 50,000 jobs nationwide.

Mr. President, this is an outstanding example of how American private enterprise is coping with highly competitive conditions by plowing huge capital outlays into research and engineering development and the modernization of plant and equipment. These outlays today will insure the quantity and quality production in future years to meet an ever-expanding demand for automotive products. And within the context of a strong profit system, investment in income-producing assets today will mean generation of tomorrow's profits to sustain continuation of the cycle of investment and expansion required of all segments of our economy if we are to obtain

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