XIV. The preliminaries for the collection of the direct tax had CHAPTER been mostly arranged, but the collection itself was not yet begun. The total income of the year, including 1799. about four millions received on the eight per cent. loan, amounted to $12,770,000. The expenditures had been $10,356,000. This left a balance in the treasury (including that part of the five million loan outstanding) of near three millions and a half. But the existing establishments called for an expenditure exceeding the standing revenue by five millions annually, to provide for which, whether by loans or taxes, would be no easy matter. This was not a very agreeable state of affairs to lay before the sixth Congress, which came together, soon after, for its first session. In the Senate several new members appeared-Dexter, of Massachusetts, known to us already as a former member of the House, in place of Sedgwick, and William H. Willes, of Delaware, in place of Vining, whose terms had expired. Dayton, late speaker of the House, and Baldwin, so long a member of that body, appeared also among the new senators. From Virginia, in place of Tazewell, who had resigned, came Wilson C. Nicholas, the confidential friend of Jefferson, but inferior in ability to either of his two brothers. Charles Pinck ney, of South Carolina, appointed to fill a vacancy just at the close of the last Congress, was also a member of this. Just at the end of the session, Gouverneur Morris took his seat from New York, to fill a vacancy occasioned by Watson's resignation. Still more extensive changes had taken place in the House, where the Federalists were now, for the first time since 1793, a decided majority. Of former members, the most distinguished were Otis, Sewall, Thatcher, Varnum, and Sedgwick, of Massachusetts-the latter, on the ex 4. CHAPTER piration of his senatorial term, having been again re-electXIV. ed to the House; Dana, Chauncey Goodrich, and Gris 1799. wold, of Connecticut; Livingston, of New York; Galla Dec. tin, Hartley, Kittera, Smilie, and Peter Muhlenburg, of Pennsylvania; Bayard, of Delaware; Smith, of Maryland; John Nicholas, and Parker, of Virginia, of whom the former had carried his election only by a few votes, while the latter had gone over to the Federalists; Macon, of North Carolina; Harper, Rutledge, Thomas Pinckney, and Sumter, of South Carolina. The most remarkable of the new members were Dr. Michael Leib, already known to us as a very furious Democrat, from Pennsylvania; Joseph H. Nicholson, of similar politics, from Maryland; John Marshall, Henry Lee, and the eccentric and afterward celebrated John Randolph, from Virginia. William Henry Harrison, afterward president of the United States, appeared as a delegate from the Territory northwest of the Ohio, the sole representative of that extensive region, counting now, at the end of only fifty years, five states, and near five millions of inhabitants. Sedgwick was elected speaker over Macon by forty-four votes to thirty-eight. The president's speech, after noticing the Northampton insurrection (Fries's), the revival of trade with St. Domingo, the departure of the envoys for France, and the suspension of the commissions under the British treaty, devoted itself principally to two topics: first, a reorganization of the Federal judiciary, already more than once suggested by the judges, and repeatedly brought by Washington to the notice of Congress; and, secondly, a steady perseverance in a system of national defense, commensurate with the resources, and corresponding with the situation of the country. The president expressed his decided opinion that, in the present disturbed state of XIV. the world, remote as the United States were from the CHAPTER seat of war, and desirous as they might be, by doing justice to all, to avoid offense to any, nothing short of the 1799. power and means of repelling aggressions would secure a rational prospect of escaping war, or national degradation, or both. New Though the Federalists had a decided majority in the House, that majority was by no means homogeneous. "The following may be considered," so Wolcott wrote to Dec. 29. Ames, "as a tolerably correct outline of the state of the public councils. The Federal party is composed of old members who were generally re-elected in the Northern, with new members from the Southern States. York has sent an anti-Federal majority, Pennsylvania has done the same. Opposition principles are gaining ground in New Jersey and Maryland, and in the present Congress the votes of these states will be fluctuating and undecided. A number of distinguished men appear from the southward, who are not pledged by any act to support the system of the late Congress. These men will pay great respect to the opinions of Marshall. He is doubtless a man of virtue and distinguished talents, but he will think much of the State of Virginia, and is too much disposed to govern the world according to rules of logic. He will read and expound the Constitution as though it were a penal statute, and will sometimes be embarrassed with doubts of which his friends will not perceive the importance. "The Northern members can do nothing of themselves, and circumstances have imposed upon them the necessity of reserve. The president will be supported by many from personal considerations; some believe. he has acted wisely, others consider it impolitic and unjust to withdraw their support, though they admit that he has com CHAPTER mitted a mistake. XIV. The president's mind is in a state which renders it difficult to determine what prudence. 1799. and duty require from those about him. He considers Colonel Pickering, Mr. M'Henry, and myself as his enemies; his resentments against General Hamilton are excessive; he declares his belief of the existence of a British faction in the United States. In some unguarded moment he wrote a letter to Tench Coxe, attributing the appointment of Mr. Pinckney, as minister to London, to British influence, and suggesting that, if he (Mr. Adams) were in an executive office, he should watch the progress of that influence. Coxe has perfidiously disclosed this letter, and copies are circulating among the suspicious and malignant. This state of things has greatly impaired the confidence which subsisted among men of a certain class in society. No one knows how soon his own character may be assailed. Spies and informers carry tales to the president with the hope of producing changes in the administration. Mr. Otis, your successor, is suspected of aspiring to the office of Secretary of State. Cunning half Jacobins assure the presi dent that he can combine the virtuous and moderate men of both parties, and that all our difficulties are owing to an oligarchy which it is in his power to crush, and thus acquire the general support of the nation. I believe that I am not mistaken in any of the facts which I have stated. It is certain that confidence is impaired. But no man can be certain that, when many are interested in promoting dissension, he may not himself be the dupe of artifice, and possibly this is my own case." "Considering the state of the House," says this same lively, candid, and sagacious letter, "it was necessary and proper that the answer to the speech should be prepared by Marshall. He has had a hard task to perform, and you will see how it has been executed. The object CHAPTER XIV. was to meet all opinions, at least of the Federalists. It was, of course, necessary to appear to approve the mis- 1799. sion, and yet to express the approbation in such terms. as, when critically analyzed, should amount to no approbation at all. No one individual was really satisfied, but all were unwilling to encounter the danger and heat which a debate would produce, and the address passed with silent dissent. The president doubtless understood the intention, and in his response has expressed his sense of the dubious compliment in terms inimitably obscure." The standing committees had been appointed, and some commencement of business had been made, when the proceedings of Congress were interrupted, and the whole nation was shocked by the sudden death of General Washington; carried off, after a few days' sickness, by an inflammation of the windpipe, brought on by exposure to wet in a ride about his farm, and of which the fatal effect, it is to be feared, was hastened, if not, indeed, produced, by the excessive bleeding to which, according to the fashionable practice of that time, he was subjected by his attendant physicians. His sudden death almost entirely swept away, at least for the moment, those feelings of suspicion with which a portion of the Republican party, especially of the leaders, had begun to regard him. Now that he was dead, all zealously united to do him honor. Rare man indeed he was among actors on the military and political stage, possessing in the highest degree the most imposing qualities of a great leader-deliberate and cautious wisdom in judging, promptitude and energy in acting, a steady, firm, indomitable spirit, such as men love to cling to and rely upon; more than all, an unsullied integrity, and a sincere and disinterest |