letter of the Constitution. The distinction is not material, The Constitution may be as grossly violated by acting against its meaning as against its letter; but it may be proper to dwell a moment on the point in order to understand more fully the real character of the acts under which the interest of this, and other States similarly situated, has been sacrificed. The facts are few and simple. The Constitution grants to Congress the power of imposing a duty on imports for revenue, which power is abused by being converted into an instrument of rearing up the industry of one section of the country on the ruins of another. The violation, then, consists in using a power granted for one object to advance another, and that by the sacrifice of the original object. It is, in a word, a violation by perversion,-the most dangerous of all because the most insidious and difficult to resist. Others cannot be perpetrated without the aid of the judiciary; this may be by the Executive and Legislative departments alone. The courts cannot look into the motives of legislators. They are obliged to take acts by their titles and professed objects, and if these be constitutional, they cannot interpose their power, however grossly the acts may, in reality, violate the Constitution. The proceedings of the last session sufficiently prove that the House of Representatives are aware of the distinction, and determined to avail themselves of its advantage. In the absence of arguments, drawn from the Constitution itself, the advocates of the power have attempted to call in the aid of precedent. The committee will not waste their time in examining the instances quoted. If they were strictly in point, they would be entitled to little weight. Ours is not a Government of precedents, nor can they be admitted, except to a very limited extent, and with great caution, in the interpretation of the Constitution, without changing, in time, the entire character of the instrument. The only safe rule is the Constitution itself, or, if that be United States), are copied from the originals in the handwriting of the author. The first varies somewhat from the printed copy; and the curious student may, if he desire it, compare the two, as well as the Report and Addresses (never before published), with those which were adopted in their stead. The Editor, in an Appendix to the volume, has deemed it proper to insert so much of the Correspondence between Gen. Jackson and Mr. Calhoun, with the accompanying papers, as the latter thought it expedient to place before the public at the time. These, however, do not embrace all the papers connected with the subject. Others exist which may, and probably will hereafter appear in another form. Meadowgrove, June 1st, 1855. INDEX TO VOL. VI. 1. The South Carolina Exposition... PAGE 1 2. Address on the Relations of the States and Federal Government 59' 3. Report on Federal Relations...... 4. Address to the People of South Carolina.... 94 1 124 A 5. Letter to Governor Hamilton...... 6. Address to the People of the United States..... 9. Letter on the Appointment of Electors, &c.... 144 1 254 27845 285 313 318 C 322 349 REPORTS AND PUBLIC LETTERS. EXPOSITION. Original Draft of the South Carolina Exposition, prepared for the Special Committee on the Tariff, and, with considerable alterations, adopted by the Legislature of South Carolina, December, 1828. The Committee of the Whole, to whom were referred the Governor's Message and various memorials on the subject of the Tariff, having reported, and the House having adopted the following resolution, viz. : "Resolved, That it is expedient to protest against the unconstitutionality and oppressive operation of the system of protecting duties, and to have such protest entered on the Journals of the Senate of the United States-Also, to make a public exposition of our wrongs and of the remedies within our power, to be communicated to our sister States, with a request that they will co-operate with this State in procuring a repeal of the Tariff for protection, and an abandonment of the principle; and if the repeal be not procured, that they will co-operate in such measures as may be necessary for arresting the evil. "Resolved, That a committee of seven be raised to carry the foregoing resolution into effect:" which was decided in the affirmative, and the following gentlemen appointed on the committee, viz.: JAMES GREGG, D. L. WARDLAW, HUGH S. LEGARE, ARTHUR P. HAYNE, Wм. C. PRESTON, WILLIAM ELLIOTT, and R. BARNWELL SMITH. VOL VL-1 |