In Defense of the Bush DoctrineUniversity Press of Kentucky, 11. 5. 2007. - 264 страница The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, shattered the prevalent optimism in the United States that had blossomed during the tranquil and prosperous 1990s, when democracy seemed triumphant and catastrophic wars were a relic of the past. President George W. Bush responded with a bold and controversial grand strategy for waging a preemptive Global War on Terror, which has ignited passionate debate about the purposes of American power and the nation's proper role in the world. In Defense of the Bush Doctrine offers a vigorous argument for the principles of moral democratic realism that inspired the Bush administration's policy of regime change in Iraq. The Bush Doctrine rests on two main pillars—the inadequacy of deterrence and containment strategies when dealing with terrorists and rogue regimes, and the culture of tyranny in the Middle East, which spawns aggressive secular and religious despotisms. Two key premises shape Kaufman's case for the Bush Doctrine's conformity with moral democratic realism. The first is the fundamental purpose of American foreign policy since its inception: to ensure the integrity and vitality of a free society "founded upon the dignity and worth of the individual." The second premise is that the cardinal virtue of prudence (the right reason about things to be done) must be the standard for determining the best practicable American grand strategy. In Defense of the Bush Doctrine provides a broader historical context for the post–September 11 American foreign policy that will transform world politics well into the future. Kaufman connects the Bush Doctrine and current issues in American foreign policy, such as how the U.S. should deal with China, to the deeper tradition of American diplomacy. Drawing from positive lessons as well as cautionary tales from the past, Kaufman concludes that moral democratic realism offers the most compelling framework for American grand strategy, as it expands the democratic zone of peace and minimizes the number and gravity of threats the United States faces in the modern world. |
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... Russia, Prussia, and the Hapsburg empire—be- cause the Royal navy silently but effectively underwrote it. Great Britain also opposed the restoration of Spanish colonial rule to newly independent Latin american republics for strategic as ...
... Russia into modernity beginning in the late nineteenth century, had radically undermined the equilibrium of the european balance of power, along with Britain's capacity to maintain it. no one grasped the logic or implications of this ...
... Russia, as the two most formidable contenders for achieving such domination. as early as 1905, mackinder advocated an alliance of maritime democracies to contain both of them. He wrote later that such an association might have avoided ...
... Russians with the treaty of Brest-Litovsk in 1918. the tragedy of World War I was not american intervention, but the failure of the victors, including the united States, to enforce the Versailles treaty's disarmament provisions when ...
... Russia simultaneously. Such forces would always have been a cause for alarm to both its neighbors and would probably provoke an arms race as well. ... The same reasoning would have applied to the nuclear sphere too. as it was, the u.S. ...
Садржај
1 | |
5 | |
23 | |
51 | |
4 The Perils of Liberal Multilateralism | 63 |
5 Moral Democratic Realism | 87 |
6 Moral Democratic Realism and the Endgame of the Cold War | 101 |
7 The Bush Doctrine and Iraq | 125 |
Beyond the War on Terror | 143 |
Epilogue | 153 |
Appendix | 157 |
Notes | 185 |
Bibliography | 217 |
Index | 241 |