ricans fret, fume, and play the frog in the fable, in the vain hope of arriving, per saltum, at the same height of intellectual and political superiority. In our opinion, their commemorative discourses are alone sufficient to vitiate both their feelings and their style. On the anniversaries of the landing at Plymouth, the declaration of independence, the battle of Bunker's Hill, and many other interesting events of the same kind, all the orators of the country, bad, good, and indifferent, are regularly set to work to abuse England, and glorify their own great, good, wise, free, and unpretending democracy. The ordinary images and topics being long ago exhausted, exaggeration is the order of the day; and the more inflated the language the better, when national vanity is to be pampered, and commonplaces are to be attractively dished up. At the same time there is surely no necessity for going into any refined or recondite train of speculation to show why, speaking generally, our Transatlantic friends (if they will allow us to call them so) want taste, which is the sum and substance of the charge. 99 JOURNALISM IN FRANCE. (FROM THE QUARTERLY REVIEW, MARCH, 1840.) 1. L'Ecole des Journalistes. Par Madame EMILE DE GIRAR 2. Un Grand Homme de Province à Paris. Par H. DE BALZAC. Paris: 1839. CHAMFORT said of the ancient government of France, that it was a monarchy tempered by songs. The present government is a monarchy tempered (or distempered) by newspapers. The stanza is superseded by the paragraph: the chansonnier gives place to the feuilletoniste; and Béranger is thrust out of fashion by Janin. Enter the Chamber of Peers when a new batch are to take their seats, and the odds are that every third man of them is an editor or ex-editor. Attend the Chamber of Deputies on a field-day, and the most influential speaker will be a gentleman of the press. Dine at the Rocher de Cancale, and the chief room is engaged by a rédacteur en chef: ask for a stall at the Théâtre Français, when Mars or Rachel is to act, and the best are secured for his contributors. That suite of rooms, brilliantly lighted, has been fitted up by the founders of a journal, who give a ball to-night in honour of the undertaking: that grand-cross of the legion of honour, who is just coming out, gained his decorations by his articles; that splendidly-dressed woman, who is just going in, is the daughter of a millionaire, who lately bestowed her hand and fortune on a journalist: that gay cabriolet, now dashing through the street, belongs to a theatrical critic, who supports himself by levying contributions on the singers and dancers of the opera. Vogue la galère ! Power, pleasure, places, wealth, ribands, stars, heiresses, truffled turkeys, and champagne, all showered down in endless profusion upon men, many of whom were living au cinquième, in want of downright necessaries, till the glorious Revolution of July! No wonder that they are intoxicated with their success ; that they have grown giddy with their elevation; that, like other usurpers, they have forgotten the principles which raised them to the throne, or, like other possessors of irresponsible authority, have become capricious, tyrannical, and corrupt: no wonder, lastly, that their dynasty is now tottering to its fall "Le trône a succombé par excès de puissance; Whilst that event is yet pending, it may be both amusing and instructive to inquire how this social and political anomaly has been brought about. We need hardly say that the old régime afforded no scope for journalism, or that the moment the restrictive laws were repealed or became powerless, the conflicting parties eagerly resorted to the press. Within a short period after the breaking out of the Revolution, each section of the National Assembly, and each of the clubs of Paris, had its organ.* Bailly, Barnave, Lameth, and Madame Roland, were contributors; and the attempt of Mirabeau to establish a newspaper fills one of the most characteristic chapters of Dumont. It failed from bad management; nor are we at all astonished to find that no one else at that particular epoch was able to perfect the in *The first of note was "Le Logomache," edited by Maret, after wards Duc de Bassano. vention; for hardly had the writers begun to emerge and breathe freely, when, wave after wave, the revolutionary tide rolled over them, and taste, talent, feeling and information were swept away or lay buried in its depths; whilst the grossest ignorance, the most stupid prejudice, the most unmitigated brutality, raved, revelled, blasphemed, and celebrated revolting orgies, in their stead. During the height of the democratic frenzy no man's life would have been worth a minute's purchase who should have endeavoured to speak sense and reason, or to impose the slightest check on the sovereign will and pleasure of the multitude. Chabot announced, -"Qu'elle (la presse) avoit été nécessaire pour amener le règne de la liberté; mais que, ce bout une fois atteint, il ne falloit plus de liberté de la presse, de peur de compromettre la liberté elle-même." "It's ill arguing with a king who has an army of a hundred and fifty thousand men, and such very hardsoled boots!" said Quintus Sicilius (alias Guichard), after having had his shins well kicked by Frederick for suggesting an objection to his royal patron's theory regarding the immortality of the soul. "It's ill arguing with gentlemen who have a committee of public safety and a guillotine at their back!" said the French journalists; and the 18th Fructidor effectually silenced the few who disregarded the warning and wrote on. But no sooner had Napoleon enforced order, than they re-appeared with renewed vigour; and were we required to name the period when the French press enjoyed the highest degree of influence and consideration, we should name the two or three concluding years of the consulate. Then the truth of Benjamin Constant's aphorism," the press is the mistress of intelligence, and intelligence is the mistress of the world!"-was admitted to its full extent. Power, according to the prevailing theory (for the practice turned out rather differently in the end), was only to be acquired or retained through opinion; and about the year 1800 all that was most distinguished in literature and politics was in direct or indirect communication with the periodical press. The journals which took the lead were the "Journal des Débats " and "Le Mercure:" the "Journal des Débats" with Delalot, Fievée, the Abbé de Boulogne, Dussault, and Geoffroy (who, according to Janin, then divided the attention of Europe with Napoleon), for contributors: "Le Mercure" with Fontanes, de Bonald, La Harpe (the author of the "Cours de la Littérature "), and Chateaubriand. Their principles were royalist, but with no particular predilection for individuals; and they both supported Napoleon, because they thought him alone capable of maintaining order, re-establishing religion, and protecting industry. On the other hand, the movement party were wanting neither in talent nor energy; but the reaction had begun, the spirit of the epoch was against them, and it was difficult to persuade the people, with the impression of the reign of terror still fresh upon their minds, to risk a renewal of the tragedy. The grand organ of this party was "La Décade Philosophique: " the principal writers being Ginguené, Chenier, Cabanis, Benjamin Constant, and Say. "There are below in that tribune," said the First Consul," a dozen or fifteen metaphysicians fit to be thrown into the water. They are a vermin which keep sticking to my clothes; but I will shake them off." Shortly afterwards he turned out, amongst others, Constant, Chenier, and Ginguené. "Nous vous avons épurés," was his justification to the remaining members. "Say écrêmés," retorted Madame de Staël. It was hardly to be expected that they would be allowed the free use of their pens, by way |