IV. INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS THE GROWTH OF INTERNATIONALISM JAMES BROWN SCOTT The distinguished historian, Mr. | ultimately result in some feasible Lecky, stated that nationalism was and tangible international organizathe miracle of the nineteenth century, tion, although probably not in any and, without stopping to inquire close confederation of the states. If, whether this generalization is wholly on the contrary, the causes of the correct, it is a fact that the unifica- movement are found to be temporary, tion of peoples along race lines into it may be expected that, however recognized nations has indeed been a great its influence for the time being, marked characteristic of the last cen- it will not result in the creation of tury. The twentieth century seems a permanent form of international likely to be as distinguished for in- organization, and that the relations ternationalism as the last century of the nations will not be affected or for nationalism; for the evident tend- modified. It seems, therefore, advisency is toward international organ- able to state briefly the steps by ization in some form in order to cen- which the present international situ tralize under a common control, and ation has been created or rendered to administer for an international possible. purpose the various unions and instrumentalities which have sprung into existence within the last generation or two. The movement drawing the nations into close relation is twofold: official—that is, upon the initiative of one or more nations peculiarly interested in a phase of the international problem; and unofficial-that is, due to the initiative of leaders of associations or societies, with the encouragement, although not under the control or initiative, of any government. The movement is interesting in itself, and its consequences are of the greatest value not merely to publicists, but to the nations themselves, which must necessarily be influenced by the movement toward international unity, or at least toward unity of action in international matters. More interesting and more important are the causes which are making the movement possible; for, if these causes are found to be of a permanent character, it is fair to assume that the movement will continue and Beginnings of Diplomatic Relations. -The present movement in its actual form was rendered possible by the Congress of Westphalia of 1648, which recognized the independence of the European states irrespective of their origin or the religious faith of their inhabitants. The claims of the empire and of the church to temporal and spiritual domination were rejected, and all states were placed upon the plane of independence and its corollary equality. Each member of the family of nations was thus, as far as circumstances permitted, able to develop itself, free from external control. Recognizing, however, the impossibility of living in isolation, the states appointed and sent diplomatic representatives to each other in order to maintain and regularize that intercourse which experience had proved essential to their well-being and development. Permanent legations and embassies were thus established to serve as the channel of communication. The appointment of consuls in the various countries fa congresses and conferences and unions show a unity of action along political and industrial lines. Recent events point to concerted action in the administration of justice which is seen to interest all, and therefore to be a proper matter for international consideration and regulation; and the same influences which have produced political congresses, and which have framed industrial and commercial conventions, are forecasting the pacific settlement of international disputes by well-recognized and international principles of justice. The Law of Nations.-A system adequate to the needs of a progressive community must be the result of growth, and requires a very high level of intelligence. This is equally true between, as within, nations, and a system of international law did not come into existence until a few years before the Congress of Westphalia (1648). In 1625 Grotius systematized the principles of international law, and published a survey of the laws of peace and war in his immortal three books on the Law of Peace and War. The acceptance of these principles by the enlightened of all countries and their incorporation into the practice of nations supply a law which is universal as well as international, and progress is being made toward an authoritative interpretation of the law of nations. Arbitration requires for its successful operation a high degree of civilization, for nations have been unwilling in the past, and doubtless will be unwilling in the future, to submit the determination of questions to arbitration unless reasonably satisfied that a common sense of justice will produce approximately the same results. This is shown by the limited scope of arbitration in the ancient world. Rome could not arbitrate because its purpose was to dominate, that is, decide for itself questions as they arose. The various Greek states would not arbitrate with the Asiatic peoples because they regarded them not merely as inferiors, but as people governed by fundamentally different systems of law. They could, however, arbitrate disputes among themselves because a sense of race unity, a com mon language, and a common level of intelligence, recognizing and applying fundamental legal conceptions, rendered it comparatively easy for them to submit differences to arbitration-at least easier than in the case with foreign peoples, whom they scorned as barbarians. The steamboat, the railway, and electricity have brought the nations into close contact. Constitutional systems of government are everywhere the rule, not the exception. A general standard of intelligence exists, the interdependence of one upon the other is recognized, and a common goal is before the eyes of all. Hence it is that, since Jay's treaty of 1794, the resort to arbitration has been frequent and successful; hence it is that nations are binding themselves by general treaties of arbitration to arbitrate future differences as they arise; hence it is that the first Hague Conference created a permanent panel of arbitrators, improperly termed a permanent court of arbitration, from which a temporary tribunal may be selected; hence it is that the second Hague Conference adopted a convention for the establishment of an international prize court, and framed a convention for the establishment of a court of arbitral justice, leaving to the nations, through diplomatic channels, method of selecting the judges. the Arbitration, no longer a temporary expedient, is to be frequent; and the compromise supposed to be inherent in arbitration is to give way to a judicial determination of international disputes by the application of principles of justice common to all members of the family of nations. It is becoming increasingly evident to the people of all countries that just as national peace was secured by the enactment and administration of just laws, so the peace of the world is to be secured by the application of principles of justice universally accepted. The movement toward peace is no longer confined to a few nations. but is the professed desire of many, if not all; it is, however, a peace to be founded upon justice and its judicial as well as judicious administration. The movement toward unity of action is seen to be based upon uni clation of Academies, Rome. Congress on Tropical Agriculture, Brus- May 31-June 2, 1910, the First International Aerial Law Congress, Vienna. gress on Industrial Property. June 2-5, 1910, the International Conference June 23, 1910, the International Conon Bills of Exchange, The Hague. July 4, 1910, the International Railway Conference, Berne. Pan-American Conference, at Buenos national Conference of Editors, Amster- tional Congress of the Periodical Press, July 24-26, 1910, the Second InternaBrussels. July 27-31, 1910, the International at Brussels. Conference on Administrative Science, Aug. 2-7, 1910, Third International Congress of School Hygiene, Paris. Aug. 29, 1910, International Socialist Conference, Brussels. national Commission for the Study of Nov. 16, 1910, The World's Christian Citizenship Conference, Philadelphia. |