citizens and of all foreigners who may be in its dominions. It will still be able to enforce its own laws against its own citizens who are abroad when they return within its own jurisdiction. The only derogations from its exclusive authority in this regard will be those to which it has freely submitted by any special engagements into which it may have entered with other States. And these, it may be safely conjectured, will be only such as for the conveniency of government and the promotion of justice and morality give a reciprocal recognition of rights created by municipal law. National morality is aided by the recognition of a French marriage as binding in England, and an English marriage as binding in France, and extradition treaties make for the establish ment of justice.

V. THE ULTIMATE AIM OF INTER

NATIONAL ORGANIZATION

A WISE and eloquent writer, Professor Ramsay Muir, has said' that whereas "internationalism is dependent upon nationalism internationalism is necessary as the fulfilment of nationalism. The two are as mutually dependent as Liberty and Law." The goal to which history is painfully making its way is the reconciliation of cosmopolitanism with patriotism. The goal will be won when national freedom of action is vindicated, not apart from, but in and through, the recognition of international dependence. Then no longer shall we deem, as Treitschke deemed, the glory of a State to lie in the strength of its egotism, but rather in the loyalty of its co-operation with other States in safeguarding freedom.

1 Nationalism and Internationalism, p. 223.

International order will be based on the permanent satisfaction of national aspirations.

The League of Nations will help to this end. At first it can be only a cautious movement in the right direction. War under the schemes put before us is not only a police measure. The State is left at liberty to make war for what it thinks sufficient cause at its own discretion, provided the dispute is not susceptible of judicial decision and provided the point at issue has first been submitted to the good offices of other powers for mediation. But when we think of the capricious nature of the judgments given by War, and of the human loss and suffering involved in the bloody decision of the battlefield, then we feel that soon, if a League be once formed, war will be recognized as justified only when it is used by the common purpose of the Society of Nations to prevent and punish the aggressor against international law and order

"Oh! then a longing like despair
Is to their farthest caverns sent;
For surely once, they feel, we were
Parts of a single continent !"'

APPENDIX I

THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS AND THE MAKING OF THE AMERICAN

CONSTITUTION

I HAVE not attempted in this book to state the case for a League of Nations, to show the need for it or that it will accomplish its purpose. Nor have I attempted to give the pros and cons of this or that variation in the forms which the League may take. Still less has it been my object to cast doubts upon the end at which it aims or to seek for and expound the difficulties which stand in the way of the realization of its purpose. This short note therefore seems properly relegated to an Appendix.

So far as I can remember, the analogy between the problem now confronting the British,

French, and American Governments and that which confronted the framers of the Constitution of the United States has not been fully considered. Yet the difficulties and controversies of 1918 have many resemblances to those of 1781-1789, which so largely centred round the question of sovereignty that it would not be right to omit all reference in this book to that epoch-making campaign.

A hundred and thirty years ago the proposals for the loss or diminution of the sovereignty of the Thirteen States excited a bitterness which fortunately has so far for the most part been missing in the discussions on a League of Nations. The articles of Alexander Hamilton and James Madison in The Federalist were a decisive factor in winning acceptance for the Constitution in the face of that bitterness. for those articles the Union might never have been achieved; a weight, therefore, seldom accorded to the opinions of statesmen attaches to those to which expression was given in the pages of Hamilton's famous periodical. For of Hamilton and Madison it may be said that as their courage was justified by the accomplish

But