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furnish a basis for future co-operation and this is an opportunity which it would be folly to neglect.

However, it is just as important to note the limitations of the proposed enterprises as to make a start. There is no possible gain in creating the impression that we are ready to assume responsibilities which in fact will not be assumed.

I have spoken of international co-operation in undertakings which the conditions following the war naturally bring up for consideration. Arrangements to facilitate investigation and discussion and to secure this co-operation, where practicable, are important, but it may be regarded as clear that we shall actually undertake only that measure of co-operative effort which at a given time and for a definite purpose is understood to be desirable. The advisable measure and organs of co-operation for purposes now approved can now be determined and conventions for these purposes made. But as to the future, while it will be most appropriate to have convenient means for investigation and interchange of views, in each case the particular matter will have to be considered and acted upon with respect to some clear purpose found to be desirable in the light of our just interests. In short, co-operation will be the subject of definite conventions and there will, I assume, be no committal in such matters in advance.

Nor do I understand that there is any indication of a willingness on the part of our people to abandon the Monroe Doctrine. On the other hand, may we not expect that it will be confirmed. Endeavors to promote international justice are not likely to be successful if national interests fairly deemed to be of vital importance are ignored.

And in the laying of the foundations of a better international order, with desirable facilities for conciliation and for the judicial determination of controversies which are deemed

to be justiciable, it should be recognized that the power to make war will not be delegated. So far as this nation is concerned the power to make war resides in Congress, and, unless at the time we were persuaded that we should make war, Congress would not declare war or support the conduct of the war. It would be futile to attempt to commit the nation to make war for an unknown cause. That most serious of all enterprises will be entered upon only as Congress, voicing at the time the sentiment of the country, so decides.

But these necessary limitations need not discourage those who seek to maintain the Republic and its essential interests and at the same time to lend a helping hand in freeing humanity from the curse of war. A scheme which seeks commitments to the use of force in unknown exigencies is not likely to win approval. Rather must there be confidence in a growing love of justice and respect for its institutions. At present, the hope of the world is found in the community. of spirit which unites those who have fought in liberty's cause. They desire to avoid war; they have it in their power to provide methods of conciliation and fair adjustment, and if these are provided it is not an extravagant expectation that the experience of the new order will commend it to democratic nations and that by a gradual and normal development the long looked-for reign of justice may be established. Despite the opportunities for disagreements, and for the clash of interests, there is no cause for despair.

This war has proved that the great democratic peoples of the world will not tolerate the aggressions of force and this fact is the security of the coming days.

A. T. Clearwater, of Kingston:

Gentlemen. I move that there be printed by the Association for general distribution 5,000 copies of this masterly

and timely address of the President of the Association upon this most timely topic.

I.

Gentlemen, you have heard my motion. Those in favor of the motion will please say aye; those opposed, no. declare the motion unanimously carried.

The President:

The next order of business is the report of the Committee on Law Reform.

Henry W. Taft, of New York:

Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Association: In the last report of this Committee we had occasion to say that there had been very few suggestions during the preceding year for the Reform of the Law, and we attributed it to the fact of the concentration of public opinion upon the prosecution of the war.

We devote the first part of the report to questions of war and reconstruction after the war. The Committee was called upon to pass upon the proposition that a promise of marriage should be in writing. The Committee does not feel that that is a subject about which at present it should make any recommendation.

In one of the reports this morning, reference was made to an amendment of the Penal Law in relation to certain offences by a husband against his wife. The Committee recommends that the Penal Law be amended to correct the situation set forth.

The practice of law by corporations was referred to the Committee, and we have set forth in our report the activities of bar associations in different parts of the State looking to the prohibition of unlawful activity by associations that seek to practice law. The Committee recommends that the subject

be brought to the attention of each bar association in the State by the Secretary of this Association in order that it may take such steps as it deems appropriate to aid in enforcing the laws relating to the unlawful practice of law in its locality.

The Committee has taken up for consideration the question. of the removal of causes to the Federal Court, and has strongly recommended that the entire subject be re-examined and a revision of the laws relating to it be thoroughly made. It perhaps is not the function of the Committee on Law Reform to deal with this subject. It ought to be dealt with by the Committee dealing with Federal practice. But it is a subject which requires immediate and drastic consideration and

treatment.

Another subject which has engaged the attention of the Committee, and which is regarded by the Committee as of unusual importance, is the necessity for enacting in this State some kind of legislation which will permit the easier settlement of contests relating to wills. In the present state of the law there is no way in which parties who have agreed upon an adjustment of a will controversy can obtain the authority of the Court for a settlement of the interests of all parties to the contest. Where parties are sui juris and are able to deal directly with the subject, no great difficulty occurs, but where there are infants, or trustees, or where the State has an interest, or where there are persons non sui juris, a decided difficulty occurs. The Committee is of the opinion that the difficulty should be removed by authorizing the Court to consider the advisability of a proposed settlement.

An amendment of section 25 of the Corporation Law, relating to notice of directors' meetings, has been made in accordance with the recommendations of the Association.

We have been asked to make some recommendation concerning the enactment in this State of the so-called "Blue

Sky" legislation. This legislation relates to such matters as the over-issue of stock of corporations and the protection of the public against imposition in the issue and marketing of corporate securities. It was especially suggested that the laws of California, creating a "Blue Sky" Commission, be considered by the Committee. The suggestion raises the question as to the proper function of this Association. Your Committee is of the opinion that while in addresses delivered to the Association, questions of public policy involving political and economic considerations have frequently been discussed, it is unwise that the Association or any of its Committees should formally advocate remedial legislation directly involving economic, industrial or political theories, concerning which lawyers, in their capacity as citizens, may hold varying and conflicting opinions. "Blue Sky" legislation, in the opinion of the Committee, comes within that category, and the Committee recommends that the Association take no action upon the communication above referred to and that it be discharged from further consideration of the subject.

The Committee in its report last year called attention to a then recent decree of the Bolsheviki government, by which all law courts and lawyers were abolished and revolutionary tribunals set up in their stead. These tribunals were to be people's courts and were to consist of a local judge elected by the people and two jurymen to be designated by the local workmen's and soldiers' delegates. Their jurisdiction was limited in civil cases to small amounts and in criminal cases to minor offenses, and there was no appeal. The courts were to be governed by former laws only so far as they were not abolished by the revolution and did not "counteract the revolutionary conscience and revolutionary justice."

(Mr. Taft here read the rest of the report of the Committee dealing with this subject.)

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