Слике страница

State conrt, and has handed down the unanimous decision which, In elect, permits tbe Interborongh Rapid Transit Co. to Tlolate one of the fundamental terms of the aforesaid contract that has been In force and elect for a long period of time: Now therefore be It

Retained, That the Board of Estimate and Apportionment of the City o! New York, acting on behalf ol over 6,000,000 people residing within the boundaries of tbe said city, memorialize the Congress of the United States, respectfully petitioning that body to enact such amendment or amendments to the law as will prevent the continuance of the practice rworted to by the Interborongh Rapid Transit Co., and In particular that section 380 of tbe Federal Judicial Code be limited Bo as not to •pply to a case where both parties are residents of the same State unless and until It is shown to the Federal court that the parties to the action could not obtain justice by recourse to the State courts; «nd be It further

Resolved, That the board of estimate and apportionment call upon the people of New York City to communicate with their Representatives In the national legislative body, urging upon them the need of immediately enacting such legislation that will Insure the inviolability of contracts.

Indorsed: A true copy of resolution adopted by the board of estimates and apportionment May 10, 1028.

Joseph F. Higoins,

Aimixtant Hecrctary.

Women's International Leaodk Of Peace And Freedom Mr. BLEASE. Mr. President, I ask permission to have Inserted iu the Record an article from the Washington Eagle relating to an article which was, at my request, printed in the Record on March 21, 1928, at i>np?e 5094.

The VICE PRESIDENT. Without objection, it is so ordered. The article is as follows:

[From the Washington Eagle, Friday, May 11, 1928]


Neval H. Thomas, president of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored 1'eople of Washington, and member of the national board of directors, attended the annual banquet of the Women's International League of Peace and Freedom at the New Wlllard Hotel on Friday evening. This is the same group that fostered the Vlllard dinner some weeks ago at the Hotel Washington. The colored readers of the Notion were refused admission when these ladles were arranging the contracts for the Nation dinner by the Mayflower, and the organization declined to hold the function there or to make it the headquarters of their national convention here this week. By this high ground that these women are taking the Mayflower loit thousands of dollars.

At the banquet of the national gathering held there on Friday, Jane Addams spoke and presided. Senator Dill, of Washington State; Representative Hamilton Fish, Jr., and Horace Knowlcs, former minister to Santo Domingo, spoke on the Caribbean situation. Mr. Knowles, an authority on our relations with South America, paid glowing tribute to the genlns ft the Haitian Republic, and spoke in eloquent and bitter condemnation of our conquest of Haiti. When he •am, "I have associated with the black statesmen of this black Republic. They are trained in the universities of Europe, and are as able and cultured as the best white statesmen In our own country," the vast banquet hall simply roared with prolonged applause. PRISON-MADE GOODS

Mr. BLEASE. Mr. President, I ask to have printed in the Kbcord and to lie on the table a letter addressed to me by W. R. Bradford, of Fort Mill, S. C., a member of the board of directors of the South Carolina Penitentiary; also a letter addressed to me by William H. Jones, president of the Jones School Supply Co., of Columbia, S. C.; a letter addressed to me by E. R. Cass, of New York City, N. Y., president of the American Prison Association; and a letter addressed to me by John L. Moorman, president of the board of trustees <>f the Indiana State Prison, Michigan City, Ind., relative to the "•Milled Hawes-Cooper prison labor bill, introduced in the Senate by the junior Senator from Missouri [Mr. Hawes].

There being no objection, the letters were ordered to lie on the table and to be printed in the Record, as follows:

The Fort Mill Timks, Port Mill, S. C., March 9, MIS. Hon. Cole L. Bleasb,

United States Senate, Wellington, D. C.

Deak Senator Blbash: I am inclosing herewith a letter addressed to you relative to the proposed Hawes law against prison-made goods being "old la certain States. Macaulay tells me that you are opposed to the Will bat It occurred to me that it might help a little If one of the directors of our penitentiary would write you his views with the view of asking yon to have the letter inserted in the Recokd. I don't know whether- I have written anything worth printing in the Recokd or not. 1 hope it is no worse than some otber matter the Record carries. For certain reason* I sball probably print the letter In tlie Fort Mills Times

this week, unless yon object, since It Is addressed to you. If yon can see your way clear to have it printed In tbe Record and will wire me to that effect either Tuesday or Wednesday, I shall be obliged and grateful to you. In the wire I should like to have you say when the letter will be printed In the Record. I have seen two or three similar letters In the Record concerning the Hawes bill. • • •

If I can serve you In any way I shall be pleased to do so. It may be I will be In Washington next Friday and Saturday, and if I am I shall call at your office to speak to you. Very respectfully yours,


Fort Mill, S. C, .March 9, 1938. Hon. Cole L. Blease,

I nilnl States Senate, Washington, D. O.

Dbar Senator Blxasb: As a member of the board of directors of the South Carolina Penitentiary, I am taking the liberty of writing you with reference to the Hawes bill, now pending in the Sennti1, which provides that prison-made goods shall not be sold in certain States of the Union. I urge that you give this bill your earnest consideration and that, if possible, you use your very great influence to prevent its passage.

The purpose of the Hawes bill, I am Informed, is to prevent the sale of goods made In prisons in such States us now have, or may hereafter enact, laws proscribing tbe sale within their borders of such goods. I believe that the passage of the Hawes bill will ultimately destroy tbe market for the furniture we manufacture at our penitentiary, as it will ultimately destroy the market for the articles manufactured at the other State prisons of the country.

I was fortunate enough to be able to attend a meeting of the Interstate Commerce Committee of the Senate a few days ago held to give opponents of the bill an opportunity to be heard. At tbe meeting the statement was made that tbe principal proponents of the bill were tbe American Federation of Labor and the Federation of Women's Clubs. The statement should be investigated. The American Federation of Labor, it was claimed, has a membership of 5,000,DOT) people, all committed to the passage of the bill. The claim may or may not be true. It Is probable that It is not true. Likely enough some central body of the American Federation of Labor has gone on i-ecord as favoring the passage of tbe bill. Then the word Ib put out to Influence Members of Congress who have not the time to Investigate the accuracy of tbe claim that the great labor body is solidly behind the bill and, incidentally, will have fault to find with Members who do not support it when the time comes for their reelection. I dare say there are hundreds of local unions affiliated with tbe American Federation of Labor which arc in no wise interested in the passage of the Hawes bill. Indeed, it is not unlikely that many of the local unions never beard of the bill. Nevertheless, we are told that organized labor Is a unit for its passage.

A similar claim Is set up as to the attitude of the Federation of Women's Clubs toward the bill. A meeting of representatives of the women's clubs Is held In Washington City, at which a resolution is passed indorsing the Hawes bill. Then the Interstate Commerce Committee is told that the Federation of Women's Clubs Is behind the bill and is demanding its passage. This statement is bunk. By and Urge, the women's clubs of the country kuow nothing about the Hawes bill, and care less about It. Tbe women's clubs of South Carolina—and there are hundreds of them here, too many for the good of some homes represented In them—like the women's clubs of the other States, are not Interested In this bill and have not gone on record as favoring It. I do not believe that the Hawes bill has ever been considered In a single woman's club In tbe whole State of South Carolina.

So much for the alleged attitude of organized labor and tbe women's clubs toward tbe bill, to say nothing of otber Interests seeking its passage from the private gain point of view.

Many good reasons can be urged, and ought to be urged, it seems to me, against the passage of the bill. Of course, I am Immediately concerned with the effect the bill, if enacted Into law, will have on our penitentiary In South Carolina. To-day we have something like 400 prisoners in our penitentiary. Most of these prisoners work In the furniture factory at tasks they are able to perform. None of them are subjected to hardships in connection with their work, and most of them are paid a bonus for good work. All are well fed, well clothed, and humanely treated in every way. The State, In consequence of its considerate treatment of the prisoners, makes a profit on tbe furniture produced In the factory. The furniture Is not sold at cutthroat prices as some claim Is the case with all prison-made goods. If we are forced to close our furniture factory under the Hawes hill, whnt sort of employment shall we find for the prisoners who work In the fnotory, and what sort of employment shall we find for tbe 75 other prisoners who work on our cotton farms? If we are prohibited from making furniture to be sold In interstate commerce, we may be expected to stop raising cotton which finds Its way Into articles now sold outside the State. Certainly It seems reasonable to conclude that we would not be allowed to sell prison-raised cotton in any State coming under tbe operation of the Hawes law. And if. we are not allowed to sell our furniture or cotton under the TTnwes law, who can think of nn article our prisoners might manufacture or produce which would not bt> similarly proscribed? Anything that might be produced by prison labor will come Into competition with free labor.

If it is reasonable for Congress to say to South Carolina that South Carolina shnll not sell Its prison-made goods in other States, why is it not also reasonable for Congress to say to this State that the building of good roads with prison labor must stop in this State because it would be better to build the roads with free labor and because the roads these prisoners build are used in interstate commerce? Which would mean Idleness for the 1,500 county prisoners in the State.

We shall be hard pressed to find employment, we fear, for our prisoners if the Hawes bill becomes a law. The people of this State will rebel as.iinst p;iying taxes to provide for the upkeep of idle prisoners, with the effect that it will discourage convictions in our courts.

Willie Congress is considering the plea of those who are seeking to have the Hawes bill become a law, it ought not to be too much to hope that Congress will also consider the interest of the large number of prisoners in the country and the millions of citizens who do not want such a law. Not one of the 48 States in the Union, so far as I am Informed, bus appealed to Congress through its governor or through Its legislature to pass the Hawes bill.

If Congress Is ever to reach a stopping place in encroaching on the rights of the States, It seems to me that the Hawes bill offers a good stopping place.

Very respectfully yourg,

W. R. Bradford.

Columbia, S. C., March 2f, m&. Hon. Cole L. Bi.eask,

Untied Statea Senator from South Carolina,

Washington, fl.. C.

Deab Sir: This Is in reference to Hawes bill S. 1940 relating to prison-made goods. We wish to express ourselves as being opposed to this bill.

This bill seeks to divest prison-made goods of their Interstate character. It will ultimately mean the several States going into the manufacture of everything used by institutions within the State, thus competing with outside labor and ultimately destroying enterprises that go to support and make possible the existence of the State itself.

I have made a study of this bill and believe that It will prove harmful to both labor and to industry. I shall greatly appreciate it If you will consider voting against it when it comes up for passage. Kespectfully yours,

Wm. H. Jones. 1'rctidcnt Jones School Suppf// Co.

The American Prison Association,

Office op Tub President,

Kne York, April t, OiS. Hon. Colkman L. Blease,

United titatcx Senate, Washington, D. C.

My Dear Senator Ulkase: I note your interest In the prison labor bill introduced by Senator Hawks, of Missouri. Inclosed herewith is a general statement on the prison labor problem, prepared by me, and presented at the time of the National Crime Commission conference in Washington, the early part of November. Since you are Interested in tlie pending legislation, I think you will want to give this your earnest consideration.

The need for providing employment for the Inmates of penal and correctional institutions is one of the serious problems confronting the administrators of those institutions. Usually legislation having as Its purpose the curtailing of the movement of the products of prison labor does not give any assurance of continuing what little employment now exists W the various Institutions throughout the country and does give iudicatioii that the deplorable and demoralizing idleness among the inmates in those institutions will increase.

I hope that the inclosed pamphlet will give you a well-rounded picture of tlie prison-labor problem, and thus aid you in your discussion of Senator Hawes's bill.

If you can use several of the pamphlets we shall be glad to send them to you.

Very truly yours,

E. R. Cass, President.

Indiana Statk Prison, Uh-hiyan City, Intl., March ,10, £>28. Senator Cole Blease,

Xt'nalc Oftlt.c Ifuilflinfj, Wtifhinfjton, ft. C.

My Dear Senator: I notice where you have uttered some protest asainst the passage of the prison labor bill introduced by Senator Hawks, of Missouri, and Representative Cooper, of Ohio. It was my privilege to appear before the Interstate Commerce Committee of the Senate and the Committee on Labor In the House In opposition to Uie

passage of this measure. Before the Senate committee I made tlie remarks which you will find printed in the inelosure. This pamphlet gives my ideas on prison-labor problems after long years of practical study in connection with the Indiana State Prison, located at Michigan City.

As Senator Hawes says, this measure has passed the House two or three times, and has been as far along in the Senate as it now ta. As an officer of the Stale prison I have repeatedly appeared before the various committees in Washington in opposition to this measure in some form or another. I have no personal interest in the matter, except as a citizen of the State and as an officer of this institution. It has been my observation for many years past that the proponents of measures of this type profess to represent union labor, manufacturers' associations, and women's organizations. I have never heard them say they represented the prisoners or their dependents or the taxpayers of the various States who are directly concerned financially in the upkeep of the prisons. To me it looks like a selfish proposition, BO far as the union labor or manufacturers' organizations are concerned. Women's organizations seize upon the prison problems as a sort of fad, and they allow themselves to be used in support of a cause about which they know nothing for sure.

Union lalror and manufacturers make a mountain out of a mole hill, so far as prison labor is concerned as being in opposition to them. Statistics show that goods manufactured within prison walls or by prisoners represent only one-twentieth of 1 per cent of goods produced beyond the walls. Senator Hawes comes from a State which makes many shoes. I presume the shoe Industries strongly urge him to support such a measure, and he responds to the call of.his constituents. In the State of Ohio union labor caused to be enacted some very drastic prison laws some few years ago, nnd is doing great damage to the penal Institutions of that State. More than half of the prisoners of that State are idle and the prisoners are maintained at a heavy cost to the taxpayers.

Governor Donnhcy Is opposed to this bill, or anything of the kind, yet Mr. Cooper of Ohio advocates the passage of this bill. I presume he, too, is under the sway of union labor.

As a citizen and a taxpayer I can see no earthly excuse for the enactment of this measure. It could gain so very little for union labor or manufacturers, but at the same time it could do very great damage to the taxpayers and to the dependents of prisoners and to prisoners themselves. I appraise this bill as only an enabling act. It would merely serve as a stepping-stone for organizations in various States to force through restrictive legislation. In my solemn judgment inside of 10 years not a prison in the land would be near self-sustaining, but, on the other hand, idleness would be the rule. In the States of the South that produce sugar and cotton with prison help such restrictive legislation as this would be destructive. In my State, where we manufacture chairs, binder twine, clothing, signs, tinware, etc., we would be shut out of the markets in the general fields. Our State could not any way near consume such products as our institution would make along these lines. We would be compelled to diversify our industries at a great expense, and I fear it would be • no profit if we are compelled to sell all our goods within our own State.

In 10 years' time the population of my State has increased almost 200 per cent. We are constantly making room for more prisoners, and the stream flows on toward our doors with ever-increasing volume. If the Government could do something to reduce crime it would be much better than to do something to harrass and distress prison officials who are charged with the ever increasing colony of criminals.

I was told at Washington recently that both the Senate and the House favored the passage of this bill. Just why they favored it they did not say. To my way of thinking, it is done for the simple and sole purpose of favoring certain organizations with n view to gaining votes In the coming elections. If prisoners or prison officials were as powerful politically as organized labor or manufacturers' organizations or women's associations, I do not believe any Member of Congress would think of introducing such a bill. Prisons are the football of designing politicians, of fad-following women's organizations, and the like can say anything they please about a prison and there Is no comeback.

I want you to know, Senator, it Is a distressing situation, viewed from the standpoint of men who are charged with the control of these penal institutions. We are expected to conduct them along proper lines nnd at as small a cost to the State as possible, with very rare encouragement from lawmaking bodies. On the other band, we are compelled to defend ourselves against these bodies.

Even in my own State bills were Introduced at the last session of the legislature which, if enacted into law, would have certainly closed down the industries in this place. I do not know what is comiug over the people. A statesman once said, "Laws are not made; they are discovered." Now, If any man can discover a single reason that will stand the light of day for a moment for the enactment of the llawes-Cooper measure 1 would be very glad indeed to see it.

When Congress wants to find out something about the tariff question or some other question they call in people who are familiar with the facts and make a thorough Investigation. It was not so with the prison-labor question, 11' gome of ua had not been ou the wutch we would not have known when the hearings were had, especially In the Senate. Why do they not call upon prison wardens and men who arc Interested in the control of prisons and get their attitudes upon the subject fairly and honestly before they write any new laws? My dear Senator, I hope I have not bored you by this long letter. 1 am very full of this subject and have given years of my life In an effort to better prison conditions. I sometimes feel very bitter when I am compelled to listen to the arguments men and women produce In favor of restricting labor within prison walls. I can only hope that you will have splendid success In your opposition to the Hawes-Cooper bill. If I come to Washington any more this season I would like the privilege of calling upon you at your office. Tours very truly,

.Tons I.. Moormas, President Board Trustee*, Indiana State Prison.



Mr. B1NGHAM. Mr. President, there Is on the calendar, and has beiu for a long time, a bill providing for the employment of civilian assistants in the office of the Governor General of the Philippine Islands and fixing the salaries at certain figures. It is Calendar 306, Senate bill 2292, introduced by the late Senator Willis. A similar bill wan introduced in the House by Congressman Kiess. I presume nearly every Senator lias received certain communications from Manuel L. Qneison, president of the Philippine Senate, and n letter in regard to the bill in opposition to it. I ask that there may be printed in the Record u letter from the Secretary of War inclosing a cablegram recently received from Governor General Stimson in regard to the statement of President Quezon; and also an article from the Mindanao Herald of March 24, 1928, written by Governor General Stimson himself, in which he gives his reasons for asking for the passage of the bill.

The VICE PRESIDENT. Without objection, it is so ordered.

The letter and article are as follows:


Washington, May 9, J92S. Bon. Hiram Bincbam,

United Statet Senate, V, axMngton, D. C.

Dbab Senator Bin<:iia M: The following cablegram has been received from Governor General Stimson to-day:

"Reference Quezon statement there is absolutely no evidence In attitude insular press or of people toward mo of alleged evil effect of pendency Willis Kiess bills. My advocacy of bills was well known before my arrival and repented in formal statement by me 10 days after arrival explaining purpose of bills. This received with friendliness even by portion of press opposed to bills. This friendliness anil cooperation with my administration has steadily Increased ever since. My opinion cooperation with me will not be jeopardized by passage of bills, but may be seriously jeopardized by their failure, showing lack of support at home. On the other hand, experience shows even more clearly the necessity of nonpolitical inspectors and assistants provided by bill. Charges of malfeasance, oppression, and fraud in some portion Insular, provincial, or local governments are matters of almost daily occurrence, and In most cases complainant requests me to make personal or American investigation charging ordinary Filipino official Investigating agencies with political bias. While most of such charges unfounded, there are many cases where a thorough nonpolitical Investigation absolutely Imperative; this need will Inevitably increase with development of autonomy, which 1 propose because the increased powers and responsibilities which I am giving to the department beads requires corresponding ability on my part to check up the exercise of > such powers. The Willis bill, thus, instead of being a backward step. | is indispensable to progress in self-government. At present have absolutely no such investigators available except so-called military staff | and one or two officers Philippine constabulary. Action by Congress and not Philippine Legislature necessary because latter action would necessitate either confirmation such assistants by Philippine Senate or their appointment by the Secretary of War. Passage second bill for governor's non-Christian Provinces equally important, though not so immediately pressing. It is not true that Philippine Senate will readily confirm American governors. Nomination of Governor Early, the most outstanding and successful of such governors, was held up nearly two years and finally confirmed only under emotional reaction caused by General Wood's death." Sincerely yours,

Dwioht F. Davis, Secretary of War.

tFrom the Mindanao Herald, March 24, 1928] "Supervision Anp Control"Coviknoh General Stimson Explains

How Kikss-wii.li8 Bill Will Assist In More Ratio Extension Of


There has been a great deal of misunderstanding In the Philippines regarding the Intent and purposes of the proposed KlesB-Wlllis bill now

before Congress for action. P 'Itielans have tried to convince the people that It is a pernicious measure designed to curtail autonomy and set up the Governor General as an absolute cxar. Nothing conld be further from the truth. The bill merely clarifies the original Intent of the Jones law, and empowers the Governor General to exercise that "supervision and control" over the gradual development of autonomy in the government which is essential to success. Colonel Stimson has issued a straightforward statement, giving bis reasons for urging the passage of the legislation, which should put a quietus to the bogeyman propaganda. The statement follows:

"A member of my cabinet has suggested that a statement of my views on the Kless-Willis bill wonld relieve apprehension and misunderstanding here. It appears that there Is fear lest I will create a supercablnet In case the bill is passed or interfere with the development of responsibility and autonomy among the present department heads. No greater mistake could be made.

"The Kiess bill contemplates two classes of appointments by the Governor General: First, technical advisers; and, second, assistants to perform duties of Investigation for him. The need for the first Is becoming more evident every year. In my inaugural address I alluded to the necessity of stimulating economic development in these islands. rAiring the past 40 years the Philippines have failed to make the progress which their friends have desired In the diversification of their agriculture. In some respects it may even be said that they have been approaching a one-crop development. Forty years ago they lost the cultivation of coffee, which had previously been an important crop, but, unlike Java, which suffered the same loss at the same time, they have never restored that crop.

"To-day there is reason to believe that their monopoly in hemp is threatened, both by disease and by the cultivation of substitutes in other competing countries. While other industries have to some extent been Introduced, I think all friends of the Islands will agree that the progress and development of a wide and diversified agriculture has not been as rapid or energetic as our needs demand, and to-day we are too much dependent upon the prosperity of onr chief crop—sugar.

"It Is my Intention, If granted the financial resources provided in the Kiess bill, to nee a portion of it in the employment of the best possible advisers, both for advice on the kinds and methods of crops and industries needed, and also as to the financial methods necessary for the safe encouragement of such new crops. I feel keenly my need of such advice, and believe that any Governor General in my position would feel liis own needs as I do. Such advisers would not be permanent appointees; they would not become a part of a permanent staff; they might not even be appointed on full time.

"They would be sought for in all places and under all conditions where the best men could be found to do a specific work or make a specific report, and would leave when that work was done. It is clear that special provision must be made for such employment, and that It ran not be left to the routine of the permanent civil staff of the islands.

"The other class of assistants contemplated by the act are men to perform special investigation for the Governor General In the exercise of his duties of 'supervision and control' under the Jones law. But in this there Is no intention of interfering with regular department inspection and supervision. The Department of the Interior has an executive bureau which regularly performs such work, and has done it very well in the past.

"Every department head will be expected to rigidly supervise and Inspect bis department In the future and will be held responsible for It. But your own law. in section 64 of the administrative code, imposes upon the Governor General the duty of making 'when In his opinion the good of the public service so requires aa Investigation of any action or the conduct of any person In the Government service.' Past history has abundantly shown the value and necessity of such special investigation, and the department heads upon whom rests the duty of regular and normal inspection would be the first to recognize the importance of these special investigations and to admit that cases frequently arise which cau be handled only in that way, and for which routine departmental investigation does not offer a sumcic'iit remedy.

"Indeed, the further we proceed in cultivating autonomy in the departments and imposing upon their heads responsibility of supervision in their own departments, the more Important it is that the Governor General should be possessed of the necessary machinery, like his eyes and ears, to keep him informed bow that autonomous development is working. The more freedom be allows to his department heads in making their daily decisions the more necessary is it for him to be able to inform himself when occasion arises how that trust has lieen carried out. Otherwise his responsibility of 'supervision and control' under the Jones law might be entirely defeated by ignorance of the actual workings of the Government.

"There is nothing in the proposition to appoint these two classes of assistants to the Governor General which Is at all unusual. Such technical advice is provided for in the laws of most of our American States, Including, as I happen to know, my own State of New York.

"It is my purpose, if granted the means by the passage of the Kiess bill, to devote a portion of it to the employment of the most competent ami trustworthy men for the making of such investigations. No other consideration than fitness would enter into those appointments. It would be my aim to employ for that purpose both Filipinos and Americans, wherever men of the requisite fidelity and Intelligence can be secured.


"Now, the reason of having this provision made by the Congress of the United States in the form of an amendment to the Jones Act, and not by the Philippine Legislature, Is simply tills: All of these appointments, as I have pointed out, must be made upon the basis of merit and fitness alone; politics must not enter Into their selection. They must be solely responsible to the Governor General, because they are acting as his eyes and ears in performing one of his most sacred duties Imposed upon him by the Jones law. Provision can not be made for such appointments by the Philippine Legislature unless they are either subject to confirmation by the Philippine Senate or appointed by the Secretary of War in Washington, as was provided by the recent appropriation vetoed by Governor Gilmore.

"Neither of these methods would meet with entire satisfaction the requisites of these appointments. Confirmation by the Senate would Inevitably Introduce political consideration. Appointment by the Secretary of War, in Washington, even under the best of circumstances and the most cordial cooperation between the Secretary of War and the Governor General, would diminish the personal responsibility of the Governor General, and might tend to Introduce foreign considerations to appointments which should be made solely with reference to the need here In the islands.

"Therefore, while I shall not reject any assistance which might be offered me by the Insular legislature and shall regard their willingness to make such appropriation as a fine gesture of good will, In my opinion It would not be us effective for the purpose which I believe we all unite in desiring, as If it were made by an amendment to the organic law by the Congress of the United States.

"It has been my hope that consideration of these facts and clrcnm•tances, which seem to me to govern the situation, will gradually lead those who have feared or opposed the new Kless bill (which, by the way, is an entirely different, and in my opinion much more favorable bill to the Islands than the old Kiess bill) to withdraw their opposition and assist In the working out of the common purpose which has for Its object solely the benefit of the Islands and the development of an efficient and autonomous government."


Mr. NEELY. Mr. President, for more than 19 centuries mankind Las had three unfailing sources of inspiration to heroic efforts, great accomplishments, and sublime achievements. For more than nineteen hundred years the three words that represent these ever-flowing fountains of inspiration have charmed the ears, brightened the hopes, and thrilled the hearts of all the children of men. They have incited the genius that has produced the most exquisite pictures ever painted, the most beautiful poems ever written, the most melodious songs ever sung—songs, poems, and pictures Unit have given us sunshine for our shadows, joy for our sorrows, smiles for our tears, and intimated to us the endless bliss of immortality in that "realm where the rainbow never fades," where no one ever grows old, where friends never part and loved ones never, never die.

These three mighty, magic, and inspiring words are "Jesus," "Home," and "Mother."

The first of them impelled Charles Wesley to write:

Jesus, lover of my soul.

Let me to thy bosom fly;
While the nearer waters roll.

While the tempest still is high.

All my trust on Thee is stayed;

All my help from Thee I bring;
Cover my defenseless head

With the shadow of thy wing.

Hide me, O my Saviour, hide,

Till the storm of life is past;
Safe into the haven guide,

() receive my soul at last.

What unspeakable consolation born of boundless faith in the everlasting Father's imperishable love for His erring children Is revealed in this beautiful hymn. Its music, "like a sea of glory, has spread from pole to pole."

The second of our magic words prompted John Howard Payne to compose that deathless song that has been sung and played around the world. Millions of wi'ary wanderers on foreign strands have been transported upon the wings of imagination back to the romantic scenes of their childhood, to the picturesque paths which their infancy knew, to the happy

days of the long ago by that soothing symphony of sublime


'Mid pleasures and palaces though we may roam,
Be it ever so humble, there's no place like home;
A charm from the sky seems to hallow us there,
Which, seek through the world, Is ne'er met with elsewhere;

Home! home! sweet, sweet home!

Be it ever so humble, there's no place like home.

And the last of this tranquilizing trinity of wondrous words, with the stirring force of the celestial muse of Isaiah, impelled Elizabeth Akers Allen to write the following pathetic, appealing, and rapturous poem that is destined to live until the everlasting hills, "the vales stretching in pensive quietness between," and "old oceans gray and melancholy waste," shall be no more:

Backward, turn backward, O Time, In your flight.
Make me a child again just for to-night!
Mother, come hack from the echoless shore,
Take me again to your heart, as of yore;
Kiss from my forehead the furrows of care,
Smooth the few silver threads out of my hair;
Over my slumber your loving watch keep,
Rock me to sleep, Mother, rock me to sleep.

Backward, flow backward, O tide of the years I
I am so weary of toil and of tears—
Toll without recompense, tears all In vain,
Take them and give me my childhood again!
I have grown weary of dust ana decay,
Weary of flinging my soul-wenlth away;
Weary of sowing for others to reap;
Kock me to sleep, Mother, rock me to sleep.

Mother, dear mother, the years have been long
Since I last hushed to your lullaby song.
Sing then, and unto my soul it shall seem
Manhood's years have been only a dream.
Clasped to your breast In a loving embrace.
With your light lashes Just sweeping my face.
Never hereafter to wake or to weep—
Kock me to sleep, Mother, rock me to sleep.

Kings and potentates and parliaments have proclaimed holidays, thanksgiving days, and emancipation days for observance by the people of various kingdoms and countries and states. Hut Miss Anna M. Jarvis, a distinguished woman of West Virginia, has established Mothers' Day in the love, in the devotion, and in the throbbing heart of the humanity of all the world.

To-day we venerate the sacred name and memory of mother. We laud the virtue, extol the spirit of self-sacrifice, and eulogize the loving kindness of every mother living; and in imagination, with bowed heads, grateful hearts, and generous hands lay new wreaths of the freshest, the fairest, and the most fragrant flowers upon the graves of all the mothers who have gone from the fitful land of the living into the silent land of the dead. In this hour of sobsr and serious reflection we realize that everyone who treads the globe owes his birth to the unspeakable agony of a mother. From mother's breast the baby first was fed. In mother's arms the baby first was lulled to sleep. Mother, in the twilight hour of baby's existence, breathed the fervent prayer:

That He who stills the raven's clamorous nest.

And decks the Illy fair In flowery pride,

Would, in the way His wisdom sees the best.

For her darling child provide; but chiefly

In her loved one's heart, with grace divine preside.

Then, as the days grew into the months and the months lengthened into the years, mother's life became a continuous round of solicitude, service, and sacrifice for her child.

Mother's hands made the first dress that baby ever wore. Mother's deft fingers made playthings for the little one that filled his eyes with wonder and his heart with joy.

A splinter in baby's finger, a briar in baby's foot, or a bruise on baby's toe became an affliction of such momentous consequence that only mother could heal it; only mother could banish its ache; only mother could exile its pain; only mother could smile away the tears it caused to flow down baby's cheeks.

And a little later mother, like an inexhaustible encyclopedia of universal knowledge, informed her baby about the birds and the beasts and the flowers and the trees. She discussed with him the cause of day and night: of winter's storm and summer's calm; the mysteries of the earth and sea and sky. She explained as best she could the marvels of the snn and moon and stars and the grandeur of the far-off Milky Way.

And the little one at night upon his knees, at mother's side, with mother's hand upon hie head, learned to say In the lisping accents of childhood:

Now I lay me down to sleep,
I pray the Lord my soul to keep,
If I should die before I wake,
I pray the Lord my soul to take.
And this I ask for Jesus' sake.

Thus from the day of the birth of her babe, "toiling, sorrowIng, rejoicing, onward through life mother goes,'' generously giving the best of her thought and energy and effort and life to make of her child a successful, useful, and righteous woman or man.

But until—


The stars are old,

And the sun grows cold,

And the leaves of the judgment book unfold—

No one will ever know the full measure of service the mothers of earth have constantly rendered their children.

The following touching story illustrates the fact that the average mother is ever ready to sacrifice as sublimely for her children as the mother pelican is said to sacrifice for her young by feeding them the lifehlood from her breast:

A poverty-stricken Italian woman was by the death of her husband compelled to work hard in a "sweatshop" to support her three little children. A humane organization learned that this unfortunate woman was in the last stage of consumption and endeavored to take her from her task. But she resisted and continued to work until she died of n hemorrhage. During this martyr's last moments some one inquired of her why ahe had worked so hard and so long. And she gasped, " I had to work to get the grub for the kids."

Greater love than this has no woman shown. She laid down her life for her children.

Just such love as this poor, dying Italian woman had for her children every other mother has for her own.

In token of our appreciation of the great boon of maternal devotion which we all enjoy, or have enjoyed in the days gone by, let us habitually exalt the name, commemorate the memory, and sing the praises of our mothers, and let us devoutly beseech our Heavenly Father to love them and keep them, and shower His richest blessings upon them forever and forever.

0 mother, thou wert ever one with nature,

All things fair spoke to my soul of thee;

The aznre depths of air,

Sunrise and starbeam, and the moonlight rare,

Splendors of summer, winter's frost and snow,

Autumn's rich glow, bird, river, flower, and tree.

Mother, thou wert in love's first whisper,

And the slow thrill of its dying kiss;

In the strong ebb and flow of the resistless tides of joy and woe;

In life's supremegt hour thou badst a share,

Its stress of prayer, its rapturous trance of bliss.

Mother, leave me not now when the long shadows fall athwart the sunset bars;

Hold thou my soul in thrall till it shall answer to a mightier call,
Remain thou with me till the holy night puts out the light,
And kindles all the stars.

Mr. HEFLIN. Mr. President, I have listened with profound interest and pleasure to the beautiful and magnificent speech just made by the Senator from West Virginia. I would that every person in America could read that speech.

He referred to Miss Annie Jarvis, of Philadelphia. I remember that 16 years ago she came to Congress leading the movement to establish Mothers' Day. She lived in Congressman Hampton Moore's district. He told her to see me and request me to offer a resolution creating Mothers' Day.

We talked over the matter, and I told her that I should be glad to render any assistance I could; and I introduced a resolution naming the second Sunday in May as Mothers' Day. Sly resolution passed the House. The able and distinguished Senator from Texas [Mr. Sheppard]—who has always been on the side of the good mothers of the country and the homes of America, and on the right side of every moral question—took charge of my resolution when it reached the Senate, and it passed this body. President Wilson approved it, and the great

commoner, William Jennings Bryan, proclaimed it as Secretary of State.

The second Sunday in May has become a fixed institution in America. On that day, under my resolution, the flag is to be unfurled upon all public buildings of the land, and above the homes of the people in America; and that flag was never used in a more beautiful and sacred cause than when flying above that tendor, gentle army, the mothers of America.

A poet has said, beautifully:

The greatest battle that ever was fought—

Shall I toll you where and when?
On the map of the world you will find It not;

It was fought by the mothers of men.

That is true, Mr. President.
Another poet has said:

The world at tlmfs has beat me back

In battles I have fought;
Not always has the goil Success

Touched tasks In which I wrought.

Full oft has fortune dealt a blow

Instead of bent to bless;
And heartaches followed close upon

The heels of happiness.

And often, wlien a solemn woe

Of grief my heart intoned.
And often when my spirit writhed

Anil all my nature groaned.

There stole refrains that softened pain

Not phrased by mortal tongue
But born of memories old and sweet—

The songs my mother sung.

When she took me In her arms

And gently stroked my hair,
And bore me with her down to sleep

In that old bye-bye chair.

And he who, harking back to youth,

Goes forth and nobly tries
To color life to match the light

That shines from mother's eyes—

He'll not pride his faltering feet

Upon the race they've made,
But search his heart, and bless the part

That mother love has played.

He'll walk adown the ways of life,

And In his daily prayer
Thank God that all his best was born

In that old l>yc-bye chair.

Mr. LOCHER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the proclamation of the Governor of Ohio designating Sunday. May 13, as Mothers' Day.

There being no objection, the proclamation was ordered to be printed in the Record, as follows:

Executive Uefaktuent, State Op Onio,

Offick Of The Governor,



The great awakening of nature, the season of spring, with its unfolding of all life from the sleep or shelter of winter, Is again rejuvenating the hearts of all mankind. All around us we witness renewed activities In all realms for the advancement of human welfare and happiness.

It is natural that this season should stir us to worship the origin of all—God, the Creator of the universe—and Inspire us to reverence for the mothers of the human race. \Ve, In our Individual and finite minds, trace our beginning to the heart of a noble being we know as mother.

Through infancy, youth, and maturity It Is mother to whom we look for guidance, for understanding, for encouragement. It is she who inspires us to achievements and consoles us in misfortunes. Womanly intuition and insight, more than any other agency, has helped man over the rough and ragged places of life. All others may lose faith, but mothers believe in us with all the yearning of their loving souls to the last flicker of life.

Now, therefore, I, Vic Donahay, by virtue of authority vested in me as Governor of Ohio, and in accordance with established custom, do hereby designate Sunday, May 13, 1928, as Mothers' Day in the Slate of Ohio and request observance by all citizens in appropriate manner, that every mother may be compensated by tokens of appreciation and love for her sacrifices and services.

« ПретходнаНастави »