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vleted prisoners upon probation that makes It illegal to sell goods made by them. If that is true then it follows that no harm can be done by this bill, because there is no State law prohibiting the Rule of Roods made by persons who have been re-leased on probation. I think it is an absolutely fair analysis of (he situation.

Mr. BLAINE. Mr. President, I will be very glad——

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the junior Senator from Missouri yield to the Senator from Wisconsin?

Mr. HA WES. Will not the Senator from Wisconsin please snhmit his amendment?

Mr. BLAINE. The senior Senator from Missouri asked me a question.

Mr. HAWKS. I am sure he will forego the pleasure of the answer of the Senator if the Senator will submit his amendment and let us vole upon it.

Mr. BLAINE. I should not be subjected to an inquisition by the senior Senator from Missouri when the junior Senator from Missouri denies me the privilege of answering the question. I submit in all fairness I ought to have*the opportunity to answer the question.

Mr. HA WES. Certainly; answer the question, but I hope the Senator will present his amendment.

Mr. BLAIXE. I thank the junior Senator from Missouri for extending me the privilege of answering the question submitted by the senior Senator from Missouri.

1 do not believe that the senior Senator from Missouri has placed the proper construction upon this bill. If the construction he places upon the bill is correct, then all that any State bag to do is to refuse to legislate upon the question, and therefore be entitled to transport prison-made goods between the several States. This is what the bill provides:

That all goods, wares, and merchandise mauufacturpd, produced, or mined, wholly or In part, by convicts or prisoners, except paroled convicts or prisoners, or In any penal and/or reformatory Institutions, transported Into any State or Territory of the L'nited States and remaining therein for use, consumption, sale, or storage, shall upon arrival and delivery in such State or Territory be subject to the operation and effect of the laws of such State or Territory to the same eitent and in the same manner as though such goods, wares, nud merchandise had been manufactured, produced, or mined in such State or Territory, and shall not be exempt therefrom by reason of being Introduced in the original pacUflpc or otherwise.

By transposing the words "except paroled convicts or prisoners," the construction is made clear that "gcods, wares, and merchandise manufactured, produced, or mined by paroled convicts or prisoners" shall not come within the prohibition of this proposed act. It excludes prison-made goods, or goods made by convicts or prisoners excepting paroled convicts or prisoners. That is my understanding of the construction that should be placed on this bill. 1 think it is perfectly clear, and that is why I propose to submit the amendment, after the word "prisoners" to amend by adding the words "and except convicts under probation." I move that amendment.

Mr. WAGNER. Mr. President

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from Missouri yield to the Senator from New York?

Mr. HAWES. I yield.

Mr. WAGNER. One placed on probation is placed there as a result of a suspended sentence. It is an individual who has never served a sentence for the particular offense that is involved. Therefore, unless I am mistaken, he is not in the class of a couvict at all, never having served a prison term, so that he is not included in any of the classes mentioned in this bill.

Air. BLAINE. That depends entirely on the laws of the respective States. In my own State a probationary status may be under a suspended sentence, or under a sentence and on probation, and they are usually under sentence on probation.

Mr. WAGNER. After having served a term in prison?

Mr. BLAINE. No; before serving a term.

Mr. WAGNER. Then the man is not a convict.

Mr. BIiAIN'E. If he is sentenced, he is.

Mr. WAGXER. Not unless he has served in prison.

Mr. BLAINE. Yes; he is a convict. He is found guilty, und a man who is found guilty of an offense is a convict. It is not necessary to send a man to prison to classify him as a convict. I think that is so clear that no argument is necessary.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is on agreeing to the amendment proposed by the Senator from Wisconsin.

Mr. FESS. Mr. President, just one minute. While I would not hesitate to vote for the amendment if it would appear that It does fall within the category of the phraseology of the bill, it is quite apparent that at this stage if we amend the bill that will be the end of it, because if there are 40 people in the other

body who are opposed to it the opposition of a single Member would prevent its going to conference, and it is a question as to whether it would ever come up for concurrence.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is on agreeing to the amendment proposed by the Senator from Wisconsin.

Mr. BLAINE. I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. MOSES. Mr. President, I do not understand the statement made by the Senator from Ohio about, n single objection preventing a matter going to conference.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Wisconsin has asked for the yeas and nays. Is the demand sufficiently seconded'.'

The yeas and nays were not ordered.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is on agreeing to the amendment proposed by the Senator from Wisconsin.

The amendment was rejected.

Mr. SHIPSTEAR Mr. President, let me ask the Senator from Missouri a question. As I understand it. the Senator is trying to stop the leasing of prisoners, contracting labor in prison. Would the Si-naliir have any objection to excepting all goods that are not manufactured under the leasing of prisoners, or contract labor in a prison?

Mr. HAWES. This bill does not do that. All this bill does Is to permit a State to protect itself against convict-made goods coming in from some other State. The character of legislation of each State may be different. The States may take different viewpoints. This bill does not regulate anything in any State, or interfere with the management of any prison in any State. All that it does is to protect a State from the dumping into that State of convict-made goods as it will describe them in its own statutes.

Mr. SHIPSTEAD. May I ask the Senator another question?

Mr. HAWES. Certainly.

Mr. SHIPSTEAD. I am in sympathy with the general principle of the bill. I have in mind the penitentiary of Minnesota. Eighteen years ago we abolished the contract system. The prisoners work and get a daily wage. They make" farm machinery, and the machinery is stamped "prison labor." They make twine and the twine is stamped as "prison goods." The fact that the State of Minnesota in its penitentiary has established that factory has served to break the power of the twine trust and we have no trouble with organized labor over that practice in Minnesota. Of course, to some extent it might come In competition with free labor in other places, but it is necessary to keep the prisoners working under sanitary conditions. We pay them a daily wage. They make from 30 cents a day up to as high as $1.50 a day and their keep. Some prisoners, I am informed, make more money than they could if they were free.

Mr. HAWES. The binding twine from the Senator's State is not prohibited entrance into any other State that I know of. It is properly labeled and the bill will not interfere with the Senator's institution, in my opinion.

Mr. SHIPSTEAD. I am glad to hear that. I am opposed to convict labor competing with free labor, but we must keep prisoners working at something or they go crazy.

Mr. STEPHENS. Mr. President, as I stated some moments ago, I do hot have any particular objection to the main provisions of the bill, but there are those in my State who feel that if the bill is passed it will have a very hurtful effect upon the State of Mississippi. This is the condition that exists there. The State owns State farms. One farm at least contains several thousand acres of land.

Mr. HAWES. Mr. President, will the Senator yield?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from Mississippi yield to the Senator from Missouri?

Mr. STEPHENS. In just a moment, when I complete this particular statement.

We have in the State of Mississippi, in the Mississippi Valley, several thousand acres of land. That land is utilized by the State as a farm upon which a great majority of the convicts of the State are kept and worked. It is true that those convicts produce corn, feedstuff*, hogs, mules, and so on.

Mr. HAWES. Mr. President, will the Senator yield?

Mr. STEPHENS. In a moment. But the main product of that State farm is cotton. There are several thousand bales of cotton produced there each year. I am not sure that those in my State who have written me are correct in their statements that the bill will interfere with the convict labor in my State, that the cotton which is produced by those convicts may be prohibited by this bill, if it shall become a law, from entering into the commerce of certain other States. I had a few moments a day or two ago in which to discuss this matter with the Senator from Missouri. We did not reach a conclusion at that time in regard to the proposition. I am not willing that the bill shall pass unless ample protection is given to the people of my State in this regard.

The proceeds from the products of that farm which I have mentioned gi> into the .State treasury. It is true that in a sense the cotton that is produced on the State farm hy the convicts goes out and comes in competition with the cotton of the farmers of my State and of the Cotton Belt. But it is also true that the cotton that is produced by those convicts and put upon the market and sold goes in a very large measure to decrease the taxation of the people of my State.

Mr. President, it would not do to say that the convicts, poor unfortunates, those who are feeling the heavy hand of the law, those who are being justly punished for their violations of the law, -should be kept, as was the custom in former days, in close confinement, allowed no exercise, refused the right to get out in the sunshine and have some of the pleasures of life, at least those that are conducive to good health.

I say it would not do to say that they shall he so confined .that they can not have the opportunity to remain in health as best they can under the circumstances. So my State, as well as many other States, has adopted the policy of providing that these men shall go out and labor and produce something.

As I have already suggested, in the State of Mississippi we produce cotton on the State farms. I want to be absolutely frank about the proposition. I am not sure that the language includes cotton. I am not sure that the fears of certain gentlemen in my State are well founded. What I am anxious to have done is to be given positive assurance that the State of Mississippi shall not be affected by the passage of this bill. As I said, I am not sure that the language employed here affects the State of Mississippi. The bill provides that "all goods, wares, and merchandise manufactured, produced, or mined, wholly or in part, by convicts," and so forth. Now, of course, in the strict sense of the word cotton taken from the field by the convict is not manufactured, but it is produced. But even the word "produced" does not cover it. I am not at all certain that cotton produced by convicts is covered or affected by the language of the bill where it says that "all goods, wares, and merchandise manufactured, produced, or mined, wholly or in part, by "convicts," and so forth.

But there are in my State men of intelligence, men of legal ability, men who are interested in the proposition, who feel quite fearful that that language is broad enough to affect the cotton produced by convicts in Mississippi. To-night, although I have great sympathy with the main ideas of the bill, I am presenting the virws that have come to mo from those citizens of my State, and it is not my purpose, if I can prevent it, to allow this bill to pass to-night unless there shall he adopted to it an amendment to the effect that agricultural products shall not be affected by the bill.

The Senator from Missouri [Mr. Hawes] asked me to yield to him a moment ago. I am going to yield to him at this point so that he may state his view. I want him to say whether or not he is willing to accept an amendment of the character I have suggested. If he is unwilling to do that, then, of course, I shall proceed with the discussion of this measure.

Mr. HAWES. Mr. President, will the Senator please state his amendment so that I may understand it?

Mr. STEPHENS. I will say, Mr. President, while I have not prepared the amendment as yet, my idea Is that there shall be an amendment to the effect—it might be in the nature of a proviso—that agricultural products shall be excluded from the operation of the bill.

Mr. HAWES. Will the Senator please write his proviso or amendment so that I may answer his question?

Mr. STEPHENS. I shall be very glad to do that if I shall not lose the floor and let a vote come before I can prepare the amendment. [Laughter.]

Mr. HEED of Missouri. Mr. President

Mr. STEPHENS. If some other Senator will speak while I am writing my amendment, I shall be glad to proceed to write it.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from Mississippi yield to the Senator from Missouri?

Mr. STEPHENS. I yield.

Mr. REED of Missouri. I want to submit a proposition to the Senator from Mississippi. I know he is not opposed to the principle of this bill.

Mr. STEPHEN'S. I am not, sir.

Mr. REED of Missouri. But I know that such opposition as ho is presenting is because he has a fear that the cotton raised by convicts or picked by convicts in his State might be exeluded under the terms of the bill. Neither cotton is excluded nor are any other goods, wares, or merchandise, unless the State into which they are finally sent has a law prohibiting

within its borders the manufacture by convicts of the particular article shipped in. Does the Senator from Mississippi know of any Shite where there is a law that provides that cotton picked by convicts or raised by convicts can not be sold in the market? If there is no such case, then there is no harm in the proposed law, because it will have no effect as to cotton. I submit that suggestion to the Senator in good faith.

Mr. STEPHENS. That is very true. I may say also that there is now no law covering this proposition. If so, there would be no necessity for this bill.

Mr. REED of Missouri. Oh, yes; there are plenty of States that prohibit the sale inside their limits of goods made by convicts.

Mr. STEPHENS. That is very true, but those State* are not touched by this bill; otherwise there would be no occasion for the bill.

Mr. REED of Missouri. Oh, yes. The Senator is in error and does not understand me, or I do not understand him, or, {>eriiaps, I am in error.

Mr. STEPHENS. Perhaps we are both in error.

Mr. REED of Missouri. Yes. There are plenty of States that have laws against the products of convict labor inside their own borders.

Mr. STEPHENS. I understand that,

Mr. REED of Missouri. But having such a law, the State ships its convict-made goods which it can not sell within its own borders into another State that does not have such a law.

Mr. WATSON. And they ship them in mislabeled.

Mr. REED of Missouri. That is what this bill is aimed at; that is all it is aimed at. It Is to allow the law of a Stale to govern with reference to goods made outside the State and shipped in the same as it covers goods that are manufactured in the State. There being no State which prohibits the sale of cotton within its borders if it is there produced by convict labor, there will be no State to which this law will apply, find no State will ever pass such a law as that, for no State desiring to employ its own convict labor in the raising of cotton would prohibit that useful occupation and, more than that, no State having use for its convicts in raising cotton would be an importer of cotton; at least, it is fair to presume that the importation would be inconsequential.

1 beg of the Senator to bear in mind that, if this bill shall be amended, it will go back to the House and nobody will then be able to tell whether or not we will ever see it again.

Mr. STEPHENS. Let me say in answer to the Senator that I heard him make a very interesting statement yesterday to the effect that he is getting very tired of hearing threats that certain bills might be vetoed by the President. I agreed with him. Ho argued that we should not hesitate to do our full duty in regard to measures coming before us because of .1 prospective veto. I ask him why we should fail to do what we think is absolutely right to protect the best interests of our respective States because it may happen that somebody in the other House may later on hold this bill up if it shall be amended?

Mr. REED of Missouri. The cases are not parallel-
Mr. STEPHENS. Perhaps not,

Mr. REED of Missouri. The only fear that I have of the hill not passing the House is the lack of time, because we all know that we are going to adjourn in a few days; and in that respect it is a practical question.

Mr. STEPHENS. I will say to the Senator that the amendment I have in mind will be comparatively immaterial, and I can see no good reason why the amendment should not be adopted by the House and go to conference, where it could be worked out by the conferees.

I am going to be very frank. There only remain about 10 or 12 minutes before adjournment time. As the Senator from Arizona [Mr. Asht;rst] said the other day in regard to another measure, "My heart and my backbone are both very strong." I can talk 10 or 12 minutes longer. As the Senator from Missouri very well said, I am not opposed to the main provisions of this bill, to the general idea of it, to the theory that underlies it, and I am going to suggest to those who are intere-tfed in it that, while 1 am on my feet and while I am retaining the floor, if they want to take the time to write out a very brief amendment along the line I have suggested I shall gladly sit down, if such an amendment, can be adopted, and let this bill pass.

Mr. REED of Missouri. Suppose that such an amendment is offered and rejected, what will be tlie Senator's attitude then?

Mr. STEPHENS. Then a different situation would be presented [laughter], because I am going to protect my State if I can.

Mr. REED of Missouri. There is no use in writing the amendment. I should be glad to write it if that would end it.

Mr. NICELY. Mr. President, will the Senator yield?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Fkss in the chair). Does the Senator from Mississippi yield to the Senator from West Virginia?

Mr. STEPHENS. I shall be glad to yield.

Mr. NEELY. With due respect to the ahle Senator from Mississippi, it is perfectly plain that there is a filibuster on apiinst thi.s bill, and in the remaining 10 minutes it is utterly impossible to pass it. Anybody can talk for 10 minutes, and that is going to be done. Therefore, in the interest (if economy, and to avoid the unnecessary waste of the next 10 minutes, I move that the Senate adjourn. *

Mr. ROBINSON of Arkansas. Does the Senator from Mississippi yield for that purpose?

Mr. STEPHENS. I have not yielded for n motion to adjourn.

Mr. NEETA". I supposed the Senator would not object to the Senate adjourning, as I understand that his purpose is simply to defeat the bill.

Mr. JOHNSON. There is a unanimous-consent agreement to take a recess until 12 o'clock to-niorrow.

Mr. STEPHENS. Suppose the motion is votod down, where would I be? Somebody else would have the floor.

Mr. HAWKS. Mr. President, will the Senator yield?

Mr. STEPHENS. I resent the insinuation that I am fllbustering against, the bill.

Mr. LA FOLLETTE. Mr. President, I make the point of order that the motion of the Senator from West Virginia is not in order, in view of the unanimous-consent agreement.

Mr. CURTIS. There is no doubt about that.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Chair did not entertain the motion.

Mr. HA WES. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for just one concluding statement?

Mr. STEPHENS. Yes; I will yield for a question.

Mr. IIAWES. Just for a statement?

Mr. STEPHENS. I do not yield the floor, however, Mr. President.

Mr. HAWES. No; I understand.

Mr. President, the purpose has been accomplished again. This is rtie fourth time since 1908 that in the closing sessions of the Senate, without permitting n roll call, a bill of this identical form, or somewhat similar to it, has been defeated by just a few men. There are not 15 Senators here who are opposed to this bill.

Mr. STEPHENS. Mr. President, I do not yield for n speech.

Mr. HAWES. If the bill is defeated by a filibuster, the public should know it, and the Senate should know it.

Mr. STEPHENS. I do not yield tor a speech.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator declines to yield.

Mr. STEPHENS. I resent, the insinuation that I am filibustering. I am arguing a legal proposition—a proposition that has l>een suggested to me by very able lawyers and good citizens of my State. I have a right, of course, to present, their views, atid to usk the judgment of the Senate upon the expression of views that they have given and that they are now giving through me.

The Senator has just suggested that this bill has been killed several times in the past. This is the first time. 1 have ever .said anything about it. It occurs to me that if this is a bill of such importance

Mr. ROBINSON of Arkansas. Mr. President, will the Senator yield to me?

Mr. STEPHENS. If I do not lose the floor.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator will not lose the floor.

PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN EXPENDITURES

Mr. ROBINSON of Arkansas. I ask unanimons consent, out of order, to introduce a resolution broadening and more clearly defining the authority of the Special Committee on the Investigation of Campaign Expenditures, and nsk that it be referred to the Committee to Audit and Control the Contingent Expenses of the Senate.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, the resolution will be received and so referred.

The resolution (S. Res. 2:54) was read and referred to the Committee to Audit and Control the Contingent Expenses of the Senate, as follows:

Hcsolced, That the powers and duties conferred upon the special committee appointed under Senate Resolution 214 and any subcommittees thereof are hereby extended so as to authorize and require the said committee to continue its investigation under said resolution and Siiid committee is hereby authorized in addition to the authority conferred by Senate Resolution '214 to sit and act during adjournment of Congress and to ascertain all facts In relation to the receipts and expenditures of the several political committees and of party organiza

tions and acenricK and other persons, Including tb« amounts contributed, pledged, loaned, or otherwise made available for use, either directly or Indirectly, and also the methods of expenditure of said sums, and also the use (if any other means or influence, including the promise or use of patronage and of governmental favors, ami such other matter as will aid Congress In Its further consideration of necessary remedial legislation, and to report to the Senate as soon as possible after the convening of the second session of the Seventieth Congress.

That said committee is further authorized to employ stenographic assistance, at a cost not exceeding 12."> cents per hundred words, to report such hearings and proceedings us may be had in connection with any subject which may be before said committee, and such clerical and other assistance as may be deemed necessary by the committee. The cost of such stenographic, clerical, and other assistance shall be paid out of the contingent fund of the Senate upon vouchers properly approved.

That the appropriation authorized by Senate Resolution 214 shall be considered available In the performance of the further additional duties of the committee hereby conferred, and the further sum of $25.000 Is authorized to be appropriated out of the contingent fund of the Senate to carry out the additional purposes hereby conferred.

PRISON-MADE GOODS

The Senate, as in Committee of the Whole, resumed the consideration of the bill (H. R. 7729) to divest goods, wares, and merchandise manufacture/!, produced, or mined by convicts or prisoners of their interstate character in certain cases.

Mr. STEPHENS. Mr. President, the Senator from Missouri has suggested that a few men have killed this bill. I am not trying to kill the bill. I am entirely willing that the bill shall pass. I have submitted a simple proposition that the bill shall pass, so far as I am concerned

Mr. HAWES. What is the Senator's proposition?

Mr. STEPHENS. If an amendment is agreed to that this bill shall not affect agricultural products, specifically cotton, that are produced

Mr. HAWES. I have asked the Senator

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from Mississippi yield to the Senator from Missouri?

Mr. STEPHENS. I yield for a question; yes.

Mr. HAWES. I asked the Senator when he made that statement some time ago if he would put his amendment in written form. Has the Senator done so?

Mr. STEPHENS. The Senator knows I have not; and he knows that I stated at the time that if I would not lose the floor and lose the opportunity to speak again upon this bill I would gladly let somebody else talk; and I suggested then that somebody write the amendment while 1 am talking, along the line I suggested, that this bill shall not relate to agricnltuial products. We have about three or four minutes left; that can be done in a minute and a half, and this bill can pass, as far as I am concerned.

Mr. HAWES. Mr. President, will the Senator yield? I will say to the Senator from Mississippi that I do not think there is a single Senator here who wants to write that amendment but himself.

Mr. STEPHENS. That may he true, hut I want it written, and this bill is not going to pass to-night unless it is written.

Mr. HAWKS. The Senator has already killed the bill, anyhow; so what is (he use

Mr. STEPHENS. I deny that. It is not the fact that I want to kill the bill.

Mr. HAWES. The Senator has done it.

Mr. STEPHENS. I may have done it, because the Senator from Missouri is unwilling to give the protection to my State that many good people down there think tho State deserves. If he is willing to give that protection, then the hill can pass to-night. Otherwise it can not.

Mr. HAWES. The Senator knows perfectly well that the bill can not pass to-night. I can not write an amendment to suit Mississippi. No other man wants to write that amendment: but the Senator; and I have asked him to write his amendment and submit it, so that we can understand it.

Mr. STEPHENS. The Senator from Missouri is simply helping to kill time. He is killing more time right now than I am. I said to him that all I wanted was a provision that this bill shall not apply to agricultural products. Put that in the bill in 4, 5, or 6 words, and he can have his bill passed so far as I am concerned.

Mr. REED of Missouri. Mr. President——

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from Mississippi yield to the Senator from Missouri?

Mr. STEPHENS. I do.

Mr. REED of Missouri. If the Senator will write that amendment himself, I will agree to hold the floor so that no vote will be taken until lie gets through writing it, provided he gets through before half past 10.

Mr. STEPHENS. Will the Senator speak until half past 10 if I do not get the amendment written'/

Mr. REED of Missouri. Yes; I will speak that long.

Mr. STEPHENS. Then I shall have the floor later so that I can present my amendment? Very well.

Mr. REED of Missouri. Mr. President

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Missouri.

Mr. REED of Missouri. I asked a question or two here

Mr. BRUCE. Mr. President, mny I interrupt the Senator to introduce a bill?

Mr. REED of Missouri. Oil, certainly. Anybody can interrupt me.

Mr. BRUCE. I suppose the Senator will accord me even more than a moment?

Mr. REED of Missouri. I will.

JENNIE BRUCE GALLAHAN

Mr. BRUCE. Mr. President, I desire to introduce a bill, and I should like to have it referred to the Committee on the District of Columbia, because a similar bill has been considered by the Committee on Claims of the Senate, and it was not favored by that committee. Afterward, the same bill was Introduced in the House, und has been passed by 'the House. It has now gotten over here. It is in connection with that that I wish to reintroduce the bill into the Senate, and have it referred to the Committee on the District of Columbia, because, obviously, it would not be proper to refer it to the Senate Committee on Claims.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it will be so referred.

The bill (S. 4489) for the relief of Jennie Bruce Gallalian was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on the District of Columbia.

Mr. REED of Missouri. Has the Senator any other observations he would like to make? If so. I shall be glad to yield to him.

Mr. BRUCE. My fertility of resource Is very limited.

PRISON-MADE GOODS

The Senate, as in Commitee of the Whole, resumed the consideration of the bill (II. R. 7729) to divest goods, wares, and inerclmnd'se manufactured, produced, or mined by convicts or prisoners of their Interstate character in certain cases.

Mr. REED of Missouri. Mr. President, seriously, it seems to me we have been caviling here all this evening abovit an immaterial matter. This bill does nothing in the world but give to each State the right to control goods shipped in from abroad that are made by convicts in the same way that they control goods made in their own States.

It simply gives the States jurisdiction, within their own borders, over goods that are shipped in. the same as they have over the goods there manufactured. That being the case, and there being no State that prohibits the shipping in of cotton of the character referred to by the distinguished Senator from Mississippi, there is no danger whatever in this bill to his State, no matter what construction may be put upon the first part or the descriptive clauses of the bill.

I hope the Senator will see the matter in that light, and that by the time we meet here again lie will lie prepared to let this bill go through without amendment; because, if the bill is amended, while I believe the House of Representatives would accept any reasonable amendment to it if it had time to get action on the bill, the fact remains that Congress will adjourn in a few days, and the bill is liable to be crowded out.

Now, Mr. President, I have kept faith with the Senator. Has the Senator the amendment prepared?

Mr. STEPHENS. I have the amendment: yes. sir.

Mr. REED of Missouri. Very well; I yield to the Senator.

Mr. STEPHENS. Mr. President, the Senator was kind enough to say, some moments ago, that I was not opposed to the theory of this bill, and he is correct in that.

It has been argued that an amendment would kill the bill. I do not think so. I have been very busy about a good many other matters, arid I have not had an opportunity to investigate—

BEOK88

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The hour of 10.30 o'clock having arrived, the Senate, under the order previously entered, will stand in recess until 12 o'clock to-morrow.

Thereupon (at. 10.30 o'clock p. m.) the Senate, under the previous order, took a recess until to-morrow, Friday, May 18, 1928, at 12 o'clock meridian.

NOMINATIONS Efectitive tiominatifms received by ttic Senate May 17 (tcgisla

tire day of May 3), 1928

Member Op Interstate Commerce Commission Patrick J. Farrell, of the District of Columbia, to be a member of the Interstate Commerce Commission for a term of seven years expiring December 21, 1934, vice John J. Esch. Promotions In The Regular Army

To fie goloncls

Lieut. Col. Lorenzo Dow Gasser, Infantry, from May 10. 1928. Lieut. Col. Jennings Benjamin Wilson, Adjutant General's Department, from May 10, 1928.

Lieut. Col. William Cury Smith. Quartermaster Corps, from May 14, 192S.

To be lieutenant coloiieJs

Maj. Robert Melville Danford, Field Artillery, from May 10, 1928.

Maj. James Kerr Crain, Ordnance Department, from May 10. 1928.

Maj. Carr Wilson Waller, Coast Artillery Corps, from May 11, 1928.

Maj. Richard James Herman. Infantry, from May 12, 1928. Maj. Matthew Arthur Cross, Coast Artillery Corps, from May 14, 1928.

To be majort

Capt. James Donald MacMullen, Coast Artillery Corps, from May 9. 1928.

Capt. Ralph Townsend Heard, Field Artillery, from May 10, 1928.

Capt. Charles Wright Bundy, Coast Artillery Corps, from May 10, 1928.

Capt. Charles Douglas Yelverton Ostrom, Coast Artillery Corps, from May 11, 1928.

Capt. Turner Mason Chambliss. Infantry, from May 12, 1928,

Capt. Donald Malpas Cole, Coast Artillery Corps, from May 14, 1928.

To be captaint

First Lieut. Bernard Clark Dailey, Coast Artillery Corps, from May 9, 1928.

First Lieut. Eduardo Andino, Infantry, from May 10, 1928.

First Lieut. Robert Elwyn DeMerritt, Const Artillery Corps, from May 10, 1928.

First Lieut. James Franklin Powell, Air Corps, from May 11, 192.8.

First Lieut. William Dalton Hohenthal, Coast Artillery Corps, from May 12, 1928.

First Lieut. James Ralph I/>wder, Coast Artillery Corps, from May 13, 1928.

First Lieut. John Thomas Schneider, Field Artillery, from May 14, 1928.

To be flrnt lieutenants

Second Lieut. Joseph Ingham Greene, Infantry, from May 9, 1928.

Second Lieut. Abner Judson McGehee, jr., Infantry, from May 10, 1928.

Second Lieut. Valentine Roy Smith, Fie!d Artillery, from May 10, 1928.

Second Lieut. George William Hftrtnell, Field Artillery, from May 11. 1928.

Second Lieut. Joseph Anthony Cclla, Field Artillery, from May 12. 1928.

Second Lieut. James Boyce Carroll, Coast Artillery Corps, from May 13, 1928.

Second Lieut. John Ellsworth Adklns, jr., Field Artillery, from May 14, 1928.

Promotions In The Navy

Lieut. Commander Alger II. Dresel to be a commander in the Navy, from the 28lh day of February, 1928.

Lieut. Joseph W. Gregory to be a lieutenant commander in the Navy, from the 18th day of September. 1927.

Ensign Robert H. Keliher to be a lieutenant (junior gradei in the Navy, from the .r>th day of June. 1927.

Passed Assistant Surgeon Thomas H. Tatter to he a surgeon in the Navy, with the rank of lieutenant commander, from the 2d day of December. 1927.

The following-named pay clerks to be chief pay clerks in the Navy, lo rank with but after ensign, from the 3d day of December. 1927:

Ole R. Vikre. .Tared R. Huggett.

Robert I. Baxter. Thomas A. Grigsby.

[blocks in formation]

Harold M. Collins.
Lee R. Blohm.
James Hugh Keeley, jr.
Harry J. Anslinger.
Trojan Kodding.
David C. Berger.
Edward P. Lowry.
Richard P. Butrick.
William I. Jackson.

To be Foreign Service officers, Class VIII

William Oscar Jones.
Ralph A. Boernstein.
Leonard N. Green.
George R. Hukill.
George Atcheson, jr.
Sheridan Talbott.
Paul Mayo.
IErnest E. Evans,
Clarence E. Macy.

To be consuls

William Oscar Jones.
IRalph A. Boernstein.
Leonard N. Green.
George R. Hukill.
George Atcheson, jr.
Sheridan Talbott.
Paul Mayo.
Ernest E. Evans.
Clarence E. Macy.
Paul Bowerman.
To be Foreign Service
Carlos J. Warner.
Burton Y. Berry.
John S. Littell.
William P. Cochran, jr.
Robert D. Coe.
Stanley G. Slavens.
Archibald E. Gray.
Arthur R. Ringwalt.
Morris N. Hughes.
Bertel E. Kuniholm.
Edmund O. Clubb.
Henry S. Villard.
William Edwin Guy.
Frederick H. Ward.
William W. Butterworth, jr.

To be vice consuls of career

Carlos J. Warner.
Burton Y. Berry.
John S. Littell.
William P. Cochran, jr.
Robert D. Coe.

Charles A. Bay.
Herbert S. Bursley.
Samuel J. Fletcher.
Lynn W. Franklin.
Raymond H. Geist.
Stuart E. Grummon.
Charles H. Heisler.
Walter H. McKinney.
Fletcher Warren.

Paul Bowerman.
Frederick W. Baldwin.
William A. Smale.
Quincy F. Roberts.
Harvey Lee Milbourne.
Joel C. Hudson.
John N. Hamlin.
John F. Huddleston.
Harry E. Stevens.

Frederick W. Baldwin.
William A. Smale.
Quincy F. Roberts.
Harvey Lee Milbourne.
Joel C. Hudson.
John N. Hamlin.
John F. Huddleston.
Harry E. Stevens.
Eldridge D. Rand.

officers, unclassified

Julius Wadsworth.
Robert Y. Brown.
Monroe Hall.
H. Livingston Hartley.
Edward G. Truel) lood.
Garret G. Ackerson, jr.
Robert P. Joyce.
Charles S. Reed, 2d. .
James E. Brown, jr.
Archer Woodford.
Cavendish W. Cannon.
Leo F. Cochran. -
James L. Park.
Phil H. Hubbard.

Stanley G. Slavens.
Arehibald E. Gray.
Arthur R. Ringwalt.
Morris N. Hughes.
Bertel E. Kuniholm.

To be scoretaries DIPLoMA'ric service: EHis O. Briggs. George H. Huther. Royal R. Jordan.

Archer Woodford.
Thomas S. Horn.
George Wadsworth.
S. Pinkney Tuck.
PostMASTERS
Ark ANSAs

John W. Reed, Plumerville. Dalton Matthews, Wilonia.

Colorado

Erman D. Acton. Oak Creek. Edna A. McCormick, Sedgwick. IDA Ho William L. Killpack, Driggs. Keith C. Merrill, Paul. ILLinois

James E. Harley, Aurora.
Alice Bacon, Buckner.
Verda M. Mulhall, Davis.
Chris C. Wendt, Dundee.
John E. Heffron, East Dubuque.
Benjamin W. Landborg, Elgin.
Robert R. Davis, Equality.
Jacob L. Pfundstein, Erie.
William M. Amos, Huntley.
Charles T. Gilkerson, Marengo.
Edward E. Gott, Norris City.
Charles H. Cottrell, Quincy.
Jesse L. Jones, Rantoul.
August Kalbitz, Red Bud. -
Walter E. I.)imick, Rosiclare.
Herman O. Manuel, Steger.
John Wacker, Techny.
Willis A. Myers, Wenona.
Lela Seneff, Westfield.
Harry L. Dean, Witt.

indian A.

Claude L. Worster, North Liberty.
Ernest C. Hefner, Roanoke. -
KENTUCKY

Ronald S. Tuttle, Bardstown.
Robert Vanbever, Pineville.’
Homer Felts, Russellville.
LOUISIANA
Augustine M. Dugas, Centerville.
Phillip B. Allbritton, Clarks.
Robert A. Giddens, Coushatta.
Florence Shelton, Destrehan.
John A. Marchand, Gonzales.
Claude H. Wallis, Houma.
Mattie B. Peyton, Keatchie.
Lillian P. Gross, Lake Providence.
Walter C. Miller, Logansport.
Aimie B. Garrett, New Roads.
Daniel Crowe, Vivian.
Nannie H. Rogillio, Water Proof.
Ector R. Gammage, Westlake.
NEBRASRA

Millard M. Martin, Allen.
Lorena W. Doe, Arcadia.
Frank G. Smith, Ashton.
Louis H. Deaver, Cody.
Claris B. Morey, College View.
Owen T. Thompson, Farmam.
Earl F. Fishel, Guide Rock.
("laude A. Sheffner, Hay Springs.
Charles O. Lewis, Marquette.
Frank A. Bartling, Nebraska City.
Verner O. Lundberg, Nehawka.
Nettie E. Jollensten, Ogallala.

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