assembly makes its decision. The leader of the Whites who occupied the towns of Pskov (Pleskau) and Gdov (along the front between Petrograd and Pskov) issued a similar proclamation to the peasants. Thus one can state that under the exterior forms of "communism" and "socialization" the process of the transfer of land ownership from estate owners to peasants is being consummated in Russia. And that is the real import of the "Social Revolution" in our country. "Accordingly simultaneously with the destruction of capitalism in its highest grades of development in big industry and big business, it is being reborn from below and penetrating all pores of national economics in Russia. And Lenin himself has had to admit in a speech he recently made, that in place of the old bourgeoisie a new bourgeoisie is arising and becoming more and more numerous. "That is what I am able to relate to you concerning the general character of conditions in Russia. With respect to the political and military situation, there is naturally a great deal more to tell, but perhaps I can speak of that some other day. In that manner our party colleague who was Russian delegate to the congress at Basle, closes his instructive narrative. But before he leaves us he reports the sad news that death has taken away Vera Zasulich, whose name in the ranks of Russian SocialDemocracy is familiar to our readers, inasmuch as she founded the first Social-Democratic labor organization in Russia (1883) together with Plekhanov and Leo Deutsch. She died at Petrograd on May 9, after a long siege of sickness, due to inadequate food, as well as psychic collapse owing to her deep sorrow at witnessing the errors and disasters of her country's proletariat. Vera Zasulich lies buried in the Volkovo cemetery, by the side of Plekhanov, whose theoretical and political views she shared up to her last breath. INTERNATIONAL CONCILIATION Published monthly by the American Association for International Conciliation. AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR INTERNATIONAL CONCILIATION NEW YORK CITY [EDITOR'S NOTE: The preceding sections of this State Department document, with their appendices, were published in the March issue of International Conciliation. The third portion, including appendices, concludes the document.] III BOLSHEVIST PROGRAM OF WORLD REVOLUTION I BOLSHEVISM INTERNATIONAL, NOT NATIONAL It is of the essence of the Bolshevist movement that it is international and not national in character. The revolution in Russia is but the first incident in the Bolshevist program. This thought occurs in almost every proclamation or discourse of Lenin and his associates. In his formal program-theses, when the negotiations for peace were in progress (Izvestia, March 8, 1918), Lenin says: There is no doubt that the Socialist Revolution in Europe must come and will come. All our hopes for the definitive triumph of Socialism are based on this conviction and on this scientific prevision. Our propagandist activities in general, and the organization of fraternization in particular, must be strengthened and developed. (For the full text of these theses, see Appendix XVI.) The Bolshevist propagandist, Bukharin, writes in chapter XIX of his pamphlet "The Program of the Communists," (Moscow, July 19, 1918): The program of the Communist party is not alone a program of liberating the proletariat of one country; it is the program of liberating the proletariat of the world. (For full text see Appendix XVII.) That the Bolsheviks are playing an international game and aim directly at the subversion of all Governments is disclosed by the avowed tactics of their foreign policy. In his "Peace Program," published at Petrograd February, 1918, Trotsky says: If in awaiting the imminent proletarian flood in Europe, Russia should be forced to conclude peace with the present day Governments of the Central Powers, it would be a provisional, temporary, and transitory peace, with the revision of which the European Revolution will have to concern itself in the first instance. Our whole policy is built upon the expectation of this revolution. A similar attitude with respect to the Allies is disclosed even more strikingly in extracts from a speech made by Zinoviev, president of the Petrograd Soviet, speaking February 2, 1919, on the subject of the Princes Island proposal: We are willing to sign an unfavorable peace with the Allies. It would only mean that we should put no trust whatever in the bit of paper we should sign. We should use the breathing space so obtained in order to gather our strength in order that the mere continued existence of our Government would keep up the world-wide propaganda which Soviet Russia has been carrying on for more than a year. In an address before an extraordinary session of the Moscow Soviet, April 3, 1919, Lenin said: Spring brings us again to difficulties but I believe this will be our last difficult six months. The Entente and the AngloFrench capitalists will not be able to maintain their pressure longer. On the other hand, the conquests of the Red Army in the Ukraine and on the Don have strengthened our internal position. No matter how great our difficulties, we have great hopes for victory not only in Russia but throughout the entire world. We are sure of our victory over the international Imperialists, and this for two reasons: First, because they have taken to fighting among themselves, and, second, because the Soviet movement is growing rapidly throughout the world. The situation of the Soviet Republic is improving every hour. The Imperialists are digging their own graves and there are plenty of people in their own countries who will bury them and pack the ground solid over their coffins. The proletarian revolution in Hungary is proof of the spread of the Soviet movement. The Hungarian bourgeoisie has itself admitted that there is only one power in the world which can lead nations when the crisis comes and that is the Soviet power. |