ties, effectually persevered in its maxims, and it was then that it was indebted to its navigation and commerce for the ascendency, which it acquired in all the affairs of America, as well as for its influence in those of the world at large. The Americans consider taxes imposed on the introduction of foreign productions less burdensome, because they pay them only indirectly. Mr. Jefferson acquired great popularity by substituting them for direct taxes, real and personal. The war of 1812 obliged Mr. Madison, who succeeded him, to have recourse anew to internal taxation; but this people would consider themselves no longer free, if the weight of the imposts should become disproportionate to their ability. The opposition, which was then only the English party, again manifested great activity, when the return of peace in. Europe put an end to this source of excitement. A new president of the United States, Mr. Monroe, found himself, in his turn, in a situation to lighten the internal taxes: he returned to import duties: his popularity equalled, and perhaps surpassed, that of his predecessors. It was under his peaceable government that the prosperity which now astonishes the world was seen to assume new channels. Agriculture, manufactures, and navigation animate all the parts of these numerous republics. The violence and animosities of the parties are appeased. Both have, by different means, equally served the state, and to the almost hostile dispositions which heretofore distinguished each of them has succeeded an emulation, which, by increasing the fortunes of individuals, contributes to the general prosperity. The great riches acquired by commerce are applied to vast undertakings. The population increases at a rate which surpasses all conjectures. The citizens enjoy an entire liberty of conscience, and no where are more families to be seen sincerely religious. Political equality is perfect among them, but it does not exclude the consideration and respect that are the attendants on personal services and merit. To what are such glorious advantages to be attributed? To the goodness of the laws and the wisdom of the government. We have seen Bonaparte overturn and build up thrones at his pleasure. If these sports of his prodigious power had for their object the debasement of royalty, he was greatly deceived. It is true that he has irretrievably destroyed that great mystery of power, which gave to monarchs a supernatural and almost divine existence. It is well known at this day that they are men like ourselves; but nothing can take from them a proud prerogative, a privilege, the loss of which would carry with it their destruction. I mean the obligation of being just, virtuous, and good, under the penalty of being deemed incapable of reigning; and it is thus that the maxim, so often false, "that kings can do no wrong," has become true. In writing this essay it has several times occurred to me, that my remarks might be regarded in the light of allegories imagined by timid moralists to moderate the severity of their counsels. Such has not been my intention. How is it possible to assimilate the condition of America with that of Europe? How can we pretend to treat in the same manner a country where boundless and fertile territories will present themselves for more than a thousand years to the activity and wants of man and our Europe, where five families out of six are wholly destitute? I have wished, I say it frankly, I have wished that it should be admitted that there are no great distinctions between the principles of monarchies and those of republics. The sovereign, whether called king, magistrate or people, can henceforth only govern by the aid of respect for political liberty. There cannot be mischievous magistrates in the United States, and it appears to me that there can no longer be mischievous kings in Europe. The love of nations for good kings is formed as naturally as that of children for their parents. The citizens of a republic have not the same kind of affection for their magistrates; but they have confidence in their wisdom, and they are attached to a constitution of which they every day experience the benefits. It depends on the princes, who now reign over the nations of Europe, to unite all these advantages. They will then taste the highest felicity which can be the lot of man on earth, that of making numerous generations happy. Educated in the maxims of wisdom and virtue, and firmly resolved always to practise them, they will soon inspire their courtiers with the love of them. The people in turn will be eager to follow the example of the prince. Morality will resume its empire. Expenditures for luxury and public festivals will cease to be held in honour. Whatever is extravagant in the different modes of government, separately considered, will be moderated by skilfully combining them, and all voices will unite to proclaim the excellence of monarchical government. |