But has the peace conference done anything to put an end to this awful situation? No, the peace conference has not done anything so far, although the Albanian delegation in Paris has repeatedly acquainted it with the events that are taking place in northern Albania. On March 14 last, the Hon. Guinness asked in the House of Commons the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he had any information to the effect that the Serbians were attacking the Albanians in the provinces of Ipek and Djakova; whether this region was assigned to Montenegro in 1913 by the London conference but has never been occupied by the Montenegrins, and whether the question of its definitive assignment will be submitted to a new examination before the peace conference.

The Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Mr. Harmsworth, replied that His Majesty's Government are informed of the gravity of the situation in that region and that it was the subject of discussion among the allied Governments and also among the delegates assembled at the peace conference. He concluded his reply by the following statement: "I believe that up to the present no attempt has been made to occupy these districts (by allied troops) and do not take it to be consistent with the public interest to make any further declaration in this regard."

But, although five months have elapsed since then and the carnage is still going on, absolutely nothing had been done. And not only that, but it seems that the peace conference does not show any anxiety to take into consideration this burning issue. In fact, President Wilson had, some time ago, dispatched Maj. Furlong to Montenegro to inquire into the events taking place in this country, where 300,000 Slav Montenegrins are violently resisting the rule of their kindred Slav Serbians; but the President does not seem to have shown any concern over the fate of more than 1,000,000 Albanians who have every right to oppose Serbian and Jugo-Slav rule and who are now fighting beside the Montenegrins.

This is not all, however. As though the rebel Albanian Province of Kossovo is assured to them, the Jugo-Slavs are formulating further pretensions on additional Albanian territories. In the memorandum submitted to the Peace Conference on February 18 last, the Jugo-Slav delegation puts forth claims on the Province of Scutari as far as the port of Alessio, including the northern basin of the Drin River. This province is now occupied by Allied troops that seem to hold it with the intention of ultimately handing it over to the Jugo-Slavs. The new Jugo-Slav claims are countenanced by the inhuman and monstrous secret treaty of London, April, 1915. Whenever you turn to Albania you will always find that the wishes of the Albanian people and their legitimate rights as a nation strike against the provisions of that ungodly treaty. In accordance with it, Valona should go to Iatly, northern Albania to Serbia, southern Albania to Greece, and what is left would form an Italian colony.

In reality, neither the Servians nor the Italians nor the Greeks have any valid claims on any of the Albanian lands, but for the sinister stipulations of that tretay. As I am specifically speaking of the Jugo-Slav claims, I wish to point out that they have no other additional basis except historical considerations. They say that the plain of Kossovo and the highlands of Scutari have formerly been in their possession, but that since the seventeenth century they

have been expelled by the Albanians. As a matter of fact and history, the truth is the other way around. It is universally acknowledged to-day that the Albanians are the aboriginal inhabitants not only of Albania proper and of Kossovo, but also of Serbia and Montenegro, while the Serbians have made their appearance in those regions in the sixth century A. D. only. At comparatively brief intervals they had been able to hold some of these territories, and then in the seventeenth century the Albanians got the upper hand and succeeded in expelling them from the region of Kossovo and from the mountains of Scutari.

At any rate we are not here to discuss the historical considerations of the claims put forward on either side, because that would provoke endless discussions and because in this instance we are not confronted by a theory but by a condition. Much as we may desire and are able to put forth the irrefutable argument of the existence of 90 per cent strong Albanian population in those districts which is at this moment contesting the right to exist by the force of arms, we nevertheless waive arguments and demand just one thing that we feel sure we have a right to; that the people, whether in southern or in northern Albania, whether in Kossovo or at Valona, be given a chance to freely express their sentiments. We want that the right of plebescite be extended to Albania to its fullest extent. Let the people speak for themselves, and we are ready to abide by their verdict, whether favorable or unfavorable to us. Is this asking too much? And yet the peace conference does not seem to be willing to concede this elementary right to the Albanians.

And speaking of plebescite, I may be allowed to point out to you one notable occurrence. In an interview published in the WashingStar, May 16, Prof. Andreades, special envoy of Greece to the United States, stated that the Greek character of northern Epirus may be easily attested by an official investigation among the Epirots who are now living in the United States. Happily, such an investigation has already taken place. Last May, the Epirotic Union of America sent to the Peace Conference and to several United States Senators, as I understand, a printed declaration bearing 1,756 names from natives of the region Koritza-Kolonia, one of the two provinces that make up northern Epirus, who are presumed to favor union with Greece. The whole thing was done in secret, although the declaration states that it is intended for publicity so that the rivals may verify the names. I was recently visiting the office of Senator William King, and there I saw for the first time a copy of the declaration. Thereupon, our pan-Albanian Federation of America started an inquiry of its own and, based on its own results, it sent a statement, as a counter declaration, to the Peace Conference with 3,250 original signatures of Christian Albanians only-leaving out the Moslem Albanians whose number is still greater-native of the same district. Pray note the numbers: 1,756 so-called Epirots as against 3,250 Christian Albanians only. Should not we take this as a plebescite in accordance with the statement of Prof. Andreades? But this is not all, for the inquiry made by the pan-Abanian Federation brought out the fact that a great number of the signatures appended to the Epirotic declaration are forged and another number are false. If you want any proofs, I have them here; this bundle of papers contains the protests of the Albanians who were shocked to find their names in the Epirotic declaration.

Naturally, we have already informed the peace conference of all these things. But we are afraid that the diplomats assembled in Paris are not inclined to take anything seriously unless there is some strong power behind it. Unfortunately, Albania is not backed up by any such power.

This is why we have received so gratefully the news that we would be given a hearing before this committee that in our eyes seems to be the impartial Areopagus of the world. What we expect from you is that you only back up the demand for plebiscite in every disputed Albanian territory. We know that the Senate of the United States, of which this committee is a part, can and may use its powerful moral influence for the recognition and the genuine application of the principle of plebiscite to Albania by the peace conference which has so far taken cognizance of the existence of Albania only whenever the question has arisen of compensating some other State out of the Albanian lands.

Mr. Chairman and honorable members: Three million people who prize liberty above anything else and have fought for it for centuries look now upon you as the last resort to enable them to exercise the elementary right of self-expression that belongs to human beings.

STATEMENT OF MR. CHRISTO A. DAKO, PRESIDENT AND REPRESENTATIVE OF THE ALBANIAN NATIONAL PARTY.

Mr. DAKO. As a supplement to the statement made by my colleague, I want so say a few words with regard to the situation in Albania. During the last 40 years Albania has suffered several amputations. The last amputation was made in 1913 after the Balkan war. Through that treaty Greece got a large part of the Albanian territory; but she is not satisfied with what she got at that time, so she is asking for something more. They base their claims not on the national basis, not on the basis of the language, or the race. It meant that the population of the country which they claim to-day is inhabited by Albanians, who speak Albanian, and who are by race Albanians. They admit that, but they say "What does language mean? It does not mean anything. What does the race mean? It does not mean anything. That which makes nationality is sentiment," and they claim that the inhabitants of that portion of the territory feel that they are Greeks in spite of the fact that for five centuries the Greek church has been allowed by the Greek Government to carry on a very strong religious and educational propaganda to nationalize the Albanians, they have not been able to do so, and I want to say, gentlemen, here, that none of the Albanians in that section of the country feel that they are Greeks, and on the basis of those facts, gentlemen, I want to remind you of certain events.

In 1914 Greece was asked by the European power to evacuate those sections of the territory which she is claiming to-day, and she has evacuated only a part of it. She evacuated only the district of Kortcha. But the second day after the Greek reply, they attempted to enter Kortcha and for several months we were in danger. The Greeks took Kortcha with the purpose that they would be able to defeat the Turkish Government and then come before Europe and say that the inhabitants did not want this Kortcha to be included in Albania. But if this territory was Greek in sentiment, why did

they not accept the Greeks when they came there as liberators. We captured all the soldiers that were caught after the movement was repulsed by the civil population, and found that they were not natives of Kortcha but Greek soldiers. Then later on the Greeks did not give up their fight but continued making attacks on the frontier for three years. Finally the Albanians had to give up on account of lack of ammunition, and the Greeks came and they were repulsed on the whole section. I have maps showing the villages burned by the Greek troops in 1914. If the inhabitants of that district felt that they were Greeks, why did the Greeks burn all the villages? Three hundred and fifty thousand people were killed or fled for their lives. I have pictures here and statements made not only by Albanians but by Americans who have visited the place, and whose reports I have in this leaflet, which show that 350,000 Albanians were driven from the territory when the Greeks invaded. Senator BRANDEGEE. What is that leaflet ?

Mr. DAKO. It is "Christian Work," published in 1914.
Senator BRANDEGEE. What is the date of it?

Mr. DAKO. August, 1914.

Now, all these pictures show that the country of the Albanians, which Greece is claiming on the basis that the inhabitants feel that they are Greeks, that they would rather die than be included in Greece. We have not come here to ask that such and such a town or such and such a territory of Albania be included in independent Albania, but we do beg of you, gentlemen, to see that a commission. representing the States should consider the interests of Albania, and go on the spot and investigate and decide the fate of the inhabitants of Albania.

Senator BRANDEGEE. Did the Albanians make this or similar representations to the peace conference in Paris?

Mr. DAKO. Yes, sir. We have presented all these matters, as Mr. Erickson said, to the peace conference, but it has never given any hearing to the Albanian delegation, although the Albanian independence was proclaimed in 1918, and the European powers recognized her independence and guaranteed her neutrality. But in spite of that fact, after this Great War we hoped that our independence would be maintained, and we can not understand why new States are recognized, Czechoslavakia, and we have no objection to her independence being recognized, and the Poles, but we do not understand what is the reason of taking the independence of States that have not been independent and not us, who have been recognized as independent by the Allies.

Senator MOSES. Do you think the Albanians could maintain a stable Government?

Mr. DAKO. I am convinced of that, Senator. I have been in Albania, and I have been in Turkey, and I observed conditions during my imprisonment there in Scutari, and if I had not believed the Albanians were able to govern themselves I would never had taken the gun or the pen to write against that Turkish rule.

Mr. ERICKSON. May I state in addition to that that we have had a practical demonstration of the ability of selfgovernment in the Republic of Kortcha. When the French were in there they gave over the government to the Albanians, and they organized a government and issued their own currency, issued their own stamps, con

trolled their own affairs, and when the government was finally disbanded because of political influence brought to bear outside, they had a balance in the treasury of some 3,000,000 francs.

The CHAIRMAN. You can file your statement with the stenographer. (Mr. Dako's additional statement is here printed in the record as follows:)

Mr. Chairman and honorable members of the Foreign Relations Committee, as a supplement to the statement made by my colleague allow me to say the following regarding southern Albania:

The ethnographic boundary of southern Albania, beginning from Prelepe, runs south, between the lakes of Prespa and Ostrovo, then strikes east, leaving out Kastoria to a point nearly south of Lake Prespa, whence it runs due south to the Greek frontier before the Balkan wars.

During the last 40 years Albania suffered several amputations, made by the European surgeons, who have little respect for the sacred principles of nationality and selfdetermination. The last amputation in the south was made in 1913 under the following circumstances:

In 1912 all the Balkan States have solemnly declared before the world that the purpose of their war against Turkey was not to conquer and subjugate any foreign race but to free their own compatriots, the Slavs and the Greeks, who were suffering in Macedonia under the Ottoman oppression. In other words, it was a war undertaken for the defense of the principle of nationality. Indeed it was on the express and solemn agreement of this very principle presented to the great powers by President Poincaire, that the Balkan war was localized and the Balkan allies were left alone to liquidate the Macedonian question. But shortly after, the Balkan allies, intoxicated by the unexpected success of their military operations, forgot their solemn engagements made with the great powers and began to manifest openly their real aim of dividing Albania between themselves, a country which has no racial affiliations with either of them.

To attain their aim they began a systematic press campaign against the Albanians, using all the brains and money at their disposal. They worked unceasingly to contradict the truth, by trying to promote the belief that the Albanians lack national consciousness and therefore do not form a distinct nationality.

England, Italy, Austria, and Germany rejected the view of the Balkan allies, and determined to support the claims of Albania, and on the 20th of December, 1912, the ambassadorial conference of London solemnly recognized the independence of Albania, which the Albanians themselves proclaimed in November 28, 1912.

But, unfortunately, in spite of the assurances given, that the question of the southern boundary will be settled in a shorter length of time than that of the north, the great powers contemplating to base their work upon the agreement of July 1, 1880, nevertheless this question remained open till December, 1913. After a long wrangle between France and Italy, the ambassadorial conference decided August, 1913, that the boundary between Albania and Greece should run from the eastern limits of the Kortcha district, thus leaving Kortcha to Albania, to Cape Styles. For the delimitation of the frontier between these two points the ambassadorial conference appointed a mixed commission to go on the spot and draw the line, taking as basis the language and the sentiment of the inhabitants.

It took the commission three months to get ready to start. Finally they met in Monaster and in October, 1913, they proceeded. In studying the conditions and in trying to find out the true feeling of the inhabitants they met with difficulties and unpleasant experiences from the agents of Greece. The British delegate, who was unjustly suspected of favoring the Albanians, was fired at by a Greek woman while in Arghirokastra.

Meanwhile, European diplomacy intervened and asked the commission to draw the boundary not on the basis of their investigation and study but on the basis of a compromise, which the great powers arrived at to suit their own affairs. By this compromise the districts of Kortcha, Kolonia, Permete, and Arghirokastra with all its valley, were included within the boundaries of independent Albania, while Konitza, the district of Pindus, Janina, the capital of southern Albania, and the whole Province of Chameria, almost exclusively inhabited by Albanians of the Moslem creed, was given to Greece. Thus, the representatives of the great powers, faithful disciples of the old school diplomacy, ignored the rights of the people and drew an Albania on the map, which shut the Albanians in the narrow mountains, the most ancient race of Europe being forced to yield towns and low lands to the Serbians and the Greeks and starve on the ridge of sterile crags. Mr. Wadham Peackock,