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Mr. Russell. I think that you made my speech before I got a chance to make it.

Senator Knox. I am glad to serve you in that way.

Mr. Russell. I am glad you did, Senator.

Now, then, I did not know what the committee would do or attempt to do. As I see it, it is turning over the absolute control of the functions, of all the administration, of all the departments of the Government, and especially the sword and the purse, to a foreign

{lower, which has been oppressing Persia in connection with Russia or a hundred years. Now that Russia is out of the game, it seems to me that this policy of the English ought to be abandoned. She ought to learn better manners. I see no reason for her going ahead in the same old way or a little worse, because the fact that Russia was there was some kind of a safeguard for Persia's independence.

Senator Swanson. Do you think they ought to be prohibited from making loans?

Mr. Russell. Why, Senator, I do think that I should put it as strongly as that, that they should be prevented from making loans from Great Britain.

Senator Swanson. You think that Great Britain in all probability should be prohibited from making loans to credit nations?

Mr. Russell. Great Britain should not be allowed to make loans to Persia which have been the cause of oppression.

Senator Swanson. In making loans and building railroads? For that purpose?

Mr. Russell. They should not be allowed to make loans where other people could not.

Senator Moses. If they had a consortium in Persia, just as has been proposed in China, there would be no objection to that?

Mr. Russell. No, sir; I think not.

Senator Moses. What, ir your opinion, is going to be the practical effect of this treaty? Is it going to put Persia under a virtual British protectorate?

Mr. Russell. Absolutely, yes.

Senator Moses. What will be the effect upon the voting strength of Great Britain in the. council of the league of nations when Persia becomes a member? Will it increase Great Britain's vote by one?

Mr. Russell. I hardly think so.

Senator Brandegee. I have not followed you in your process of proving; that Persia is losing her sovereignty.

Mr. Russell. Why, she has turned over practically the purse and the sword by this treaty, which says that the British shall furnish experts of all kinds for the various departments—that is, the financial department included—and is to furnish officers for the army that is to be created.

Senator Knox. And what I think is even a more significant fact, just abandoning your expression of "the purse and the sword," she is giving her whole financial affairs under the control of Great Britain by virtue of loans and the appointment of financial advisers and experts to handle not only those loans but to handle her taxation.

Then another great attribute of sovereignty that she is giving up is that the size of the army and the equipment are all to depend upon the joint commission, of which Great Britain is to be a member.

All of those things are a surrender of the attributes of sovereignty of the most important character, I do not care whether it is the whole sovereignty or not.

Senator New. I understand that the army is to be under the command of British officers.

Senator Knox. Undoubtedly.

Mr. Russell. Yes. And these advisers are not only advisers, but in any case they must take the advice, as this pamphlet will convince the Senators. And I wish to state that the historical facts down to the time of my leaving Persia in October, 1914, states in this

Eamphlet, I know definitely to be correct, and I have every reason to elieve, I am thoroughly convinced, that the others are correct.

Senator Brandegee. China has made similar treaties with other powers, has she not, as to financial advisers?

Mr. Russell. There would be similar

Senator Knox. I can answer that question.

Senator Brandegee. I was asking only for information.

Senator Knox. The only advisers China has had under our treaties have been men to see that the funds that were loaned to China were honestly expended for the purposes for which they were loaned. For instance, when we loaned money to build a railroad, we appointed an officer to see that the railroad was built with the money. I think Great Britain loaned money, and she appointed an adviser for the same purpose.

Senator Brandegee. Those are practically inspectors as to the expenditure of the money.

Senator Knox. Yes; and general advisers, as Morgan Shuster was on financial matters. They went as private individuals, not as representatives of the Government.

Senator Brandegee. One more question, then I have done.

It appears by the proposed treaty that Persia is to be asked to join the league of nations, but the league of nations is not yet in existence. Great Britain and Persia are in the process of making this treaty to which you refer. What do you suggest that the Senate can do about it?

Mr. Russell. I wish the Senator to make a ringing protest against the whole thing, and if the Senators will read this pamphlet carefully and accept my statement that all the historical facts up to the time that I left, in October, 1914, are true, they will be convinced that such a protest ought to be made.

Senator Brandegee. You will put th6 pamphlet in the record, and also the copy of the treaty?

Mr. Russell. Yes.

(The pamphlet referred to, containing a copy of the treaty, is herewith printed in the record, as follows:

The New Stranglino Of PersiaGreat Britain's Promises And Their FulFillment—A Hundred Years Oppression.

The inspiring words of President Wilson at the crisis of the Great War found lodgment in the public conscience of the world, quickened the pulse of nations long subject to oppression, and opened wide the door of hope to peoples who till then were in despair.

Then, for the first time, words were spoken which did not deal with temporary expedients or with an adjustment of the issues of the war in the interests of the strong and at the expense of the weak.

Then, it was sought to lay the foundations of a peace which would not be merely the reestablishment of an artificial equilibrium among the powers, but the realization of a true accord founded upon justice and right. All nations, great and small, were presumed to be equals, although up to that moment such equality and liberty were unknown to the philosophy of international politics.

The words of President Wilson were as a rainbow consoling humanity in its hour of travail, pointing to a path flooded with the light of hope and destined to lead to a new era.

After a vigil of 50 years, Alsace and Lorraine have been reunited to France. Italy welcomes to her bosom her children of Italia Irredenta. Poland's martyrdom is over and her independence a fact. The Jugo-Slavs are gathered to their mother Serbia, Bohemia has finally heard the tocsin ring out the hour of her deliverance.

But Persia, of glorious history, and the Persians, the outposts of civilization, who have been the prey of two great powers for a century and whose progress has been arrested by external forces, find themselves laboring under a new foreign oppression. When they wished to adopt the European methods in their economic and political .systems;, they found themselves face to face with powers who only thought of weakening them and suppressing their independence. Notwithstanding that promises have been solemnly made to respect Persia's independence and territorial integrity, these promises have not been observed, and the violation of her sovereignty should give an unquestioned right to Persians to lay their claims before the peace conference and the league of nations, especially before the liberal peoples of the world, and above all the United States of America, whose President has opened the door of hope to all nations.

By a new treaty with the British Government Persia has been sold to Great Britain. It is necessary that it be known that in the year 1906, as the result of a revolution, Persia acquired a constitution. Her new status was recognized by all the powers, after the fundamental law was ratified by the nation and proclaimed by the Shah (Mozaffarod-din).

In that constitution it is written (a) the King shall not interfere with the governmental functions. (6) The Government shall consist of a prime minister, selected by the King, presented to and confirmed by the Parliament and then the prime minister is to form his cabinet, (c) No treaty shall be made nor a concession given, nor any national property transferred except after ratification and approval by a majority in Parliament, save only when secret treaties are necessary in the interest of the country, (d) The King before being crowned, on coronation day, and before ascending the throne, shall appear before Parliament and make an oath that he will do nothing contrary to the constitution or the interests of the country. The present Shah, who is 23 years of age, at the age of 18 took such an oath and was given the crown.

Articles 16, 22, 24, 25, 39, and 44 of the fundamental law are as follows:

Art. 16. In general, all laws necessary for the strengthening of the Government and Kingdom and the regulation of State affairs and for the constitution of ministries must receive the sanction of the Nationa' Assembly (Parliaments.

Art. 22. Whenever a part of the revenue or property of the Government or State is to be sold, or a change of frontier or border becomes necessary, it will be done with the approval of the National Assembly.

Art. 24. Treaties, conventions, the granting of concessions, or monopolies, either commercial, industrial, or agricultural, whether the other party be a native or a foreigner, can only be done with the approval of the National Assembly.

Treaties which may be in the interest of the Government and Nation to keep secret are excepted.

Art. 25. All loans to the Government of any nature whatsoever, whether internal or foreign, will be made with the knowledge and approval of the National Assembly.

Art. 39. No sovereign can ascend the throne unless, before coronation, he appears before the National Assembly, and in the presence of the members of the National Assembly and the Senate and the cabinet of ministers swears the following oath:

"I take the Lord most High to witness and I swear by the Holy Word of God and by all that is sacred before God, that 1 will devote all my energy to preserving the independence of Persia, guarding and protecting the limits of the realm and the rights of the people. I will be the guardian of the fundamental law of the constitution of Persia and will rule in accordance with it and the laws which have been decreed," etc.

Art. 44. The sovereign is absolved from all responsibility.

The British Government has concluded a treaty at a moment when there is no Parliament to ratify, and with a cabinet which is a creature brought into being as a result of pressure by the British Government, and which has not been presented to the Parliament by a young Shah, who has constantly been threatened with dethronement if he fails to support British projects and who has no legal right or power to sign the treaty without the approval of Parliament.

There is no doubt concerning the illegality and invalidity of the treaty, and tho world should judge whether the British Government, by reason alone of its rright, should compel the execution of this spurious instrument while the peace conference is sitting and while a league of nations is being formed to prevent the commission of such wrongs to weaker nations as Great Britain is guilty of in this indefensible pact.

It is said that the British are going to advance $10,000,000 for this treaty. Is it not strange that she wants to purchase a country three times as big as France in such an illegal way and for really nothing? Because whatever she arranges to pay to the Peisian Government is to be paid in bank notes, while the concession of the bank notes has been given to the English bank called the Imperial Bank of Persia, and there is not at all any actual control on publishing the bank notes. It is to be said the payment nf millions meant, the delivery of some pieces of paner. In the English Parliament it has been said that the British Government will respect the independence and integrity of Persia and again that this treaty will be proposed to the peace conference.

Respecting the integrity and independence, which always has been promised by the British Government, some details will be mentioned, as follows, to prove the reliability or the contrary of such promises. But is it not wonderful to have it said in the British Parliament that probably—even probably—will be submitted to the peace conference such a shameful, illegal treaty?

On the 31st of August. 1007. when a treaty was made between Russia and England for the arrangement of three zones in Persia, which raised great commotion, in order to silence the Persians Sir Cecil Spring-Rice, the Britisn minister in Teheran, wrote an official letter to the Persian Government containing the following lines: "Neither of the two Governments who have signed the treatv wants anything from Persia, and this treaty does not harm or mean any loss either to Persia or any other powers, because this is only an agreement between Russia and Great Britain that hereafter neither of the two shall take any step against the other. So Persia is quite free and able to use all her energies for the welfare of herself, and if there was any prohibition for development of the country before, hereafter there would be no prohibition. The independence and integrity of Persia is respected." This letter was handed to the Persian Government on September 4, 1907. while in the introduction of the said treaty of 1907 is written also, in effect, as follows: "As both Great Britain and Russia have been and are respecting and not touching the independence and integrity of Persia"— now let us see how the truthfulness of their promises has been manifested.

On June 23. 1908. they were quietly supporting Mohamad AH Shah when by his orders the parliament was bombarded by the Russian officer Col. Liakhoff, and a number of liberals and deputies were killed, captured, and hanged. The nation once more started a revolution and detlironed the said traitor shah on July 16. 1909.

When the Persian Parliament approved that all the advisers for the finance department ought to be employed from America, and fortunately the honest and strong American Mr. W. Morgan Shuster, as a private American citizen not representing the Government of the United States, was appointed as treasurer general, and with hia American colleagues commenced the development of the finance, and a sum of money was lying in the treasury, in violation of the signed documents concerning his abdication they caused the dethroned king to attack Persia. Although before the national forces he was not successful, yet one result was arrived at—that was to empty once more the treasury. But still this was not sufficient, and on the 29th of November, 1911, the following ultimatum was sent by the Russian Government to the Persian Government (approved by the British Government), giving only 48 hours for the repj/:

Article 1. Mr. W. Morgan Shuster must be dismissed from the Persian service.

Art. 2. Persian Government must not hereafter employ advisers from other foreign countries, but by permission of Russia and Great Britain.

Art. 3. Persia must pay all the expenses of the Russian military who had been sent to Persia accompanying this ultimatum.

As the parliament rejected the ultimatum unanimously, the Government was pressed by the two neighbors to dissolve the parliament, and did so, and the ultimatum was accepted without the action by the Mejless, of all which Mr. Shuster has written fully in his book called "The Strangling of Persia."

At the same time Russians began to seize and hang many libera's of high class and head priests and tear their bodies. Prof. Edward Browne, the oriental professor of Cambridge University, proves all their savageness in his illustrated book. Still this was not sufficient, and the Mohamedan's most sacred place in Khorasan was bombarded by Russian troops. From the one side thousands of Russian troops were scattered through Persia and from the other side the British Government began, from the yeai 1909, to send 400 Indian troops, and by and by added others until the spring of 1913, when the British sent the Seventh Regiment of Indian troops to the important port of Persia, Bushire, on the shore of Persian Gulf; and during the war in Europe the British occupied the said port, which caused a great commotion in Persia against Great Britain, so that on the way from Shiraz to Bushire the British consul was arrested by the national volunteers, and they were obliged to return the port to Persian hands to obtain the consul's release.

On the 26th of June, 1914, Sir Walter Townley, the British minister in Teheran, writes a circular, No. 2, to all the British consuls in Persia as follows:

"It is thought that at present in London and St. Petersburg they are trying to make a fundamental review of the treaty of 1907 about Persia to make it much stronger."

On the 27th of May, 1915, Mr. Marling, the British minister in Teheran, writes to the British consul in Shiraz, Maj. O'Conner, as follows:

"We know well that the governor of Shiraz (Mokhberossalteneh, a well-known patriot) ought to be dismissed and since the day of my arrival I have been trying for it."

On February 9, 1915, Sir Valentine Chirol, the adviser of the Viceroy of India, who had been traveling with the Viceroy in the Persian Gulf, from on board of the ship writes a letter to Maj. O'Conner, the' British consul of Shiraz, as follows:

"After a long journey, here I am in the port of Bushire, deep in thought, and from the top of the hills I am looking toward you, and unfortunately see you sitting alone, sunken in thought and expecting an angel from Heaven to make clear the destiny of Persia and that of some more powerful countries; but how can a man fail to regret that a. very rapid and more practical cooperating step is not taken to reveal the secrete of the said destiny as soon as possible. Although I was not thinking 11 years ago, when I was in this port, accompanying Lord Curzon, the former Vicoroy of India, that I should be back so soon, my real reason is for the accomplishment of the project conceived by Lord Curzon and the making more practical his plan about the above said destiny, l. e., to get closer and nearer to the destiny I refer to."

In April, 1915, just on the day of the arrival of Mr. Marling, the British minister in Teheran, at once, without waiting for official ceremonies of introduction, he visited the young Shah and pressed on him that Moshirod-dowleh, the patriot prime minister, and his cabinet members ought to be dismissed and, as Moshirod-dowleh is quite a self-respecting gentleman, he at once resigned and his forced resignation has led to all the misfortunes of Persia up to the present.

About 28 months ago when Sepahsalar, the former Sepahdar, was prime minister, the two aforesaid truthful Governments got a signature from him that a mixed committee containing five members, one English, one Russian, one Belgian (the Belgian quite in favor of them), and two Persians (but these two must be chosen to suit the Russian and British). This committee to have full control over the finances of Persia the military, the religious and other endowments, etc., naving full authority. And accordingly, that committee was formed and, as Russian armies were quite close to the capital, nobody dared to breathe; but this control did not last more than six months, the length hi time of Sepahsalar's cabinet. Again the Persian nation breathed; he was dismissed and the arrangement was broken up.

About eight months ago, Sir Percy Cox, the British minister at Teheran, went to the young Shah and told him that the Shah must not interfere for the change of the present cabinet, and whenever he wants to interfere, it is better to find out first the opinion of the British Government.

About four mouths ago, in spite of the law, article 12, as follows:

"art. 12. No person will, by any excuse whatever, have the right to proceed against any member of the assembly. Should by chance one of the members be guilty of a public offense or crime, and should he be caught in the act of committing the offense, the carrying out of punishment must still be with the knowledge of the assembly," a note was sent from the British Legation of Teheran to the present cabinet, ordering them to exile four very well-known patriots of high class, two of them, Mostomfiol-Mamelek and Samsamos-Salteneh, many times each of them prime minister and at present deputies, and two others, Mokhberos-Saltench, many times minister and at present a deputy, and Mostesharod-Dowleh, many times minister and ex-president of the Parliament, but this was stopped by the voice of the public and fortunately they were not exiled.

Letters and telegrams even from the capital of the nearest province, Kazvin, 72 miles from Teheran, when sent to Tche.an are censored by the British.

There are four to five thousand British troops in South Persia, in the name of South Persian Rifles, more than 5,000 in Kazvin and Resht, a great number in A/arbaijan and Khorasan in the north; also the same in Hamadan, Kurdistan, and Kermanshah, in the west.

If some one wants to explain everything about, all their oppressions and tyranny, he needs hundreds of pages to do so.

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