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Yes, they have fully respected the independence and integrity of Persia, and the new treaty was for that purpose. Persia has sent a delegation of patriot members for the peace conference to Pans to make Persia free from all the past heavy leads. The result is the heaviset burden of all—the new treaty. Making a treaty requires two Bides, while this treaty has been confirmed only by one side, because the other side is the Persian Parliament, which is not in session at present.
At the time of the armistice the Allies said that they would not converse a single word with a military German Government, but would arrange with a National Government, and as a consequence many changes were made in Germany.
Are now the peace conference, the league of nations, the American Republic, which has claimed to protect the rights of the weak and is one of the Allies, ready to be in favor of such a one-sided, illegal treaty, while the present condition of Persia is as described above, and Persians are surrounded and choked, and have not any way freely to proclaim what is in their hearts—to protest and complain against this treaty?
Every individual Persian patriot, with the British hands pressing the throat and with bulging eyes, is looking toward the shore for safety, toward the results of all the brilliant words of the United States' President, i. e., toward the Americans, for help and rescue. Persians do not want anything new and extra which might seem difficult to the American Nation and other true, liberal nations; but they want whatever they have had before and have now to remain to themselves and to have their independence and integrity and rights preserved for themselves and their children.
If these true and plain rights seem difficult to be protected, what hope remains for good results from the brilliant words spoken to prohibit for the future the blood spilling and the filling up once more the fields with human corpses?
The decision to be made is laid before the tribunal of humanity.
Persian National Association Of America,
1806 New Hampshire Avenue, Washington, D. C. August 29,1919.
I. Appendix—The New Treaty—So Called.
In virtue of the close ties of friendship which have existed between the two Governments in the past, and in the conviction that it is in the essential and mutual interest of both in the future that these ties should be cemented and that the progress and prosperity of Persia should be promoted to the utmost,
It is hereby agreed between the Persian Government on the one hand and His Britannic Majesty's minister acting on behalf of his Government on the other hand as follows:
1. The British Government reiterates in the most categorical manner the undertakings which they have repeatedly given in the past to respect absolutely the independence and integrity of Persia.
2. The British Government will supply, at the cost of the Persian Government, the services of whatever expert advisers may, after a consultation between the two Governments, be considered necessary for the several departments of the Persian administration. These advisers shall be engaged on contracts and endowed with adequate powers, the nature of which shall be a matter of agreement between the Persian Government and the advisers.
3. The British Government will supply, at the cost of the Persian Government, such officers and such munitions and equipment of modern type as may be adjudged necessary by a joint commission of military experts, British and Persian, which shall be assembled forthwith for the purpose of estimating the needs of Persia in respect to the formation of the uniform force which the Persian Government purposes to create for the establishment and preservation of order in the country and its frontiers.
4. For the purpose of financiering the reforms indicated in clauses 2 and 3 of this agreement the British Government offers to provide or arrange a substantial loan for the Government of Persia for which adequate security shall be sought by the two Governments in consultation, in the revenues of the customs or other sources of income at the disposal of the Persian Government. Pending completion of negotiations for such a loan the British Government will supply on account of it such funds as may be needed for initiating the salient features of reforms.
5. The British Government, fully recognizing the urgent need which exists for the improvement of communications in Persia, both with a view to the extension of trade and the prevention of famine, is required (?) to cooperate with the Persian Government for the encouragement of Anglo-Persian forms of transport, subject always to the examination of the problem by experts and to agreement between the two Governments as to the puticular projects which may be most necessary, practi'mble, and profitable.
6. The two Governments agree to the appointment forthwith of a joint committee of experts for the examination and revision of the existing customs tariff with a view to its reconstruction on a basis calculated to accord with the legitimate interests of the country and to promote its prosperity.
August 9, 1919.
(By direction of the chairman, the following statement in the case of Lithuania is here printed in the record as follows:)
Statement Op B. F. Mastauskas, Washington, D. C.
ORGANIZATION OP THE LITHUANIAN GOVERNMENT.
Lithuania was occupied by the German army in 1915, and since Germany considered it part of Russia, she subjected the inhabitants of Lithuania to all of the hardships that are imposed upon any ter-itory by a military invasion. In spite of this, and in spite of the fact that the writing of letters from one town to another was prohibited, the Lithuanians managed to have a national convention in Vilna in 1917. Over 200 delegates were present, and this body resolved to be independent, and elected 20 men who were to lay the plans and organize a provisional government.
The German military authorities felt that this body of 20 men would not have the courage to do anything definite. One of their first acts was a declaration of independence before the world. This one act so startled the Germans, because they had planned to colonize Lithuania with Germans and annex her, along with Poland, that they immediately ordered that this council be dissolved. The taryba, or council, continued its existence by holding meetings in secret and issued words of encouragement to the Lithuanian people. Several of its members were lodged in jail, and Mr. Klimas, who is now a member of the Lithuanian Commission to the peace conference, was kept in jail for a period of three months because they suspected that he attended a meeting of the Lithuanian council.
In spite of the watchfulness of the Geimans, the council maintained its organization and also held the respect and confidence of the Lithuanians who knew of its existence, and who gave it financial and moral aid until the armistice was signed.
Then another convention was immediately called and the council was enlarged to 40 members. The enlarging was done for the purpose of taking in all parties and representing racial minorities, i. e., Jews and white Russians.
One of the first acts of this body was the declaration that Lithuania will undertake to pay its proportionate share of the national debt which Russia contracted prior to the war.
The enlarged council, too, experienced its difficulties because the peace conference in Paris permitted the German army of occupation, numbering around 50.000 men, to remain in Lithuania, and this army interfered with the development and influence and organization of the council.
The council howev*, elected Mr. A. Smelona as the President of Lithuania, who chose the premier. The premier chose his cabinet, filling all of the ne; essary portfolios, and these are functioning.
The minister of justice has organized a complete judiciary system for Lithuania. Justice is being meted out in the smallest hamlets as well as the largest cities.
The minister of finance has arranged a national internal loan of 30,000,OX) auksino, equal to 7,500,000 dollars.
The minister of posts and of communications has taken over all telephone, telegraph and railroad lines, and has reestablished the postal system. ^Lithuanians of American descent have lately written letters from America and have received replies, thereby showing that an efficient public service has been organized.)
The minister of education has organized and opened s.hools through the entire country under the control of the Lithuanian Government.
The minister of war ha? organized and partially equipped an army of about 20.000 men who are conducting a rive warfare, and they have driven out the Bolsheviks from within Lithuanian boundaries. When he made a call for volunteers over 100.000 men responded, but only one-fifth could bo accepted because Lithuania did not have the necessary equipment to put all of her sons in the field aganist the Bolshevik invaders.
The minister of foreign affaire has a complete and efficient organization. Before -assuming the responsibility of chairman of the commission to the peace conference, he sent special envoys to Sweden Finland, Denmark, Switzerland, Czechoslovakia, and England, and he has been assured of sympathy with Lithuania's future by all of these nations, some of whom have sent aid to Lithuania. These countries await, before final recognition of Lithuania, the action of the United States, the country which numbers among its citizens 1,000,000 Lithuanians.
The racial minorities are represented in this ministry which includes Jews and White Russians, showing that Lithuania is the same to-day as she was in the past, giving complete religious and political liberty to every race.
Gen. Zukauskas, the commander in chief of the Lithuanian Army, is a soldier of lifelong experience. He is a graduate of the Russian Military Academy and has had experience in the Russo-Japanese War and also in the recent war. He fought against Germany as a Russian officer. When he assumed command of the Lithuanian armies, Bolsheviks occupied almost half of Lithuania. By his military leadership and knowledge he has driven the Bolsheviks out of Lithuania, and lately he was faced with the problem of opposing Polish invasion and was compelled to withdraw some of his troops to combat that invasion.
Bolshevism can not possibly live in Lithuania because the principal occupation of the country is farming, and the land is owned mostly by small land owners and home owners in the cities.
The original invasion of the Bolsheviki aroused national bitterness and also the nation's ardor to defend what is her own, and she has succeeded in so doing. Whether or not they will be able to maintain their present hard-won territory against a great Bolshevik offensive is a question. Probably not, and unless aid is given Lithuania in the form of military equipment; and supplies, then the world might witness a very sad sight, indeed, the overwhelming of the Lithuanian nation by the Russian Bolshevik, leaving no barrier between Russia and Germany.
The peace conference, without considering the opinions of the Lithuanian commission to the peace conference, established a temporary line of demarcation between Poland and Lithuania. Lithuanians were not heard on this question, but they agreed to respect this line, although it is unjust and injurious and in violation of the ethnographic line. But the Poles violated even this line.
Germany has been ordered to withdraw her troops from Lithuania, but she is going reluctantly, and she still wants and will try to control Lithuania, in order that she may have an eastern door to Russia. So, because of the geographic position of Lithuania, her territory is desired, and three countries, Germany—Poland, and Russia— are attempting to wrest it from her.
REQUEST FOR INTRODUCTION OF RESOLUTION RECOGNIZING LITHUANIAN GOVERNMENT.
Gentlemen, we will give you a memorandum which clearly presents Lithuania's case, why her independence should be recognized, and why she should receive aid and assistance from outside sources, especially from the United States, not in man power, but in food, clothing, medical, and military supplies, for which she can offer good security. She has men enough, who have tested and have seen what actual Bolshevism means.
A Senate resolution, which makes known our desires with respect to recognition, will be shortly submitted to the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations, with a request for its introduction and a prayer for its adoption.
We know that the recognition of a foreign government is a function of the executive and not of the legislative branch of our Government, but we believe that the moral effect of such a resolution would be enormous not only in the United States but in the European areas concerned, where we believe it would immediately greatly lessen bloodshed and destruction of property.
Statement Of Rev. John J. Jakaitis, Worcester, Mass.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee: The declaration of the United States through its supreme executive for the self-determination of small nations, was particularly welcomed by the nations immediately affected. Lithuania, which since 1795 had suffered under the foreign yoke of Germany and Russia, was one of those nations. Lithuania, geographically located between Russia, Germany, and Poland, each one of which was making all efforts to absorb her, naturally had to look to the outside world for assistance.
It is very hard to understand, but it is a fact, that the new Poland set herself against the independence of Lithuania and made herself one of Lithuania's chief enemies. The imperialistic ideas of Germany, crushed by the mighty sword of America and her allies, were adopted by Poland.
Poland's aspirations to annex Lithuania were not approved by the peace conference, yet Poland did not renounce her intentions to absorb Lithuania. It is true that the peace conference has set a temporary boundary between Poland and Lithuania, but it is also true that the Lithuania peace delegation at Paris was not consulted and naturally the temporary boundary lines were set with great injustice to Lithuania.
But Poland went even further in her plans of exploitation of Lithuania. The Poles, taking advantage of the fact that most of the Lithuanian troops are engaged on the northeast frontier against the Bolshevists, have moved into the southwest of Lithuania and penetrated beyond the demarcation line laid down by the supreme council of the Allies as a provisional boundary.
They still continue to hold towns beyond this line in defiance of the peace conference.
The Lithuanian delegation at Paris made strong protests to the supreme council against the Polish invasion of Lithuania.
Due to the continuous Lithuanian protests and appeals, July 10, 1919, the Poles were ordered by Gen. Foch to withdraw from Lithuania, July 13, 1919. the Polish Army crossed the line of demarcation and continued its aggressions by invading larger territory, looting everything of value and deporting prominent Lithuanian nationals.
A new line of demarcation was established. The Polish Army crossed this line and penetrated more than 50 kilometers into Lithuania, so the line of demarcation once more was moved deeper into Lithuania by the peace conference to accommodate the advancing invaders.
It is with great pain that the Lithuanians have witnessed the Polish contribution to the cause of the Bolsheviki by invading Lithuanian territory. It is still Teater pain to see that allied officers accompanied the Polish invaders.
It is not the interests of Lithuania alone that prompt us to call attention to Polish aggressions, but the interests of American and European civilization as well.
Lithuania is conducting two wars, one against the Bolsheviki and the other against Poland.
The small but valiant army of Lithuania was very successful in her war with the Russian Bolsheviki. Near Koshedary they won a decisive battle from the Bolsheviki and reached the outskirts of the capital city of Lithuania—Vilna.
But while the Lithuanian general war staff was completing plans for the reoccupation of Vilna, the unexpected happened; the Bolsheviki turned Vilna over to the Poles.
From different sources it was ascertained that there was a secret agreement between Poland and the Russian Bolsheviki. Under this treaty the Poles are to destroy the Western Ukrainian Republic and receive as the price Cholm, Podlaohia, all Eastern Galicia, Western Volhynia, and parts of White Russia, and Lithuania. Polish representatives, headed by Mr. Venekowski, at Moscow, are in constant communication with Warsaw. The Poles, under this agreement, are not to press the Bolsheviki actively, and no part of Haller's army was sent against the Bolsheviki. On the other hand, Listovski's army was withdrawn and sent against the Ukrainians.
The sources of the report of the Russian Bolsheviki-Poland pact are:
(a) The official organ of the Bolsheviki, Izviestia.
(6) "Golos Rossii" No. 104, July 6, 1919.
(c) Mr. Stepan Baron, Secretary of Ukrainian National Organizations, in his report, July 3, 1919.
(a) President Smetona of Lithuania, in ? letter to Prof. Voldemar, Lithuanian delegate at Paris. (See cable to New York Times, July 30, by Selden.)
'Nevertheless Lithuania will fight the Bolsheviki to the last breath, because her interest as well as the interest, of humanity demands it. But it is beyond the power of that young republic, derelieted by thr> Allies, to continue two wars at the same time, and unless the indifference of the Allies be turned to moral support by immediate recognition of the independence of the Lithuanian Republic, and unless the United States and the Allies extend to her material support by giving substantial equipment for the Lithuanian Army, then we shall witness the extermination of an old, noble, idealistic nation under the heel of anarcb;stic Russia and imperialistic Poland. Europe will nave a larger Bolshevist field to deal with and a stronger imperialistic nation to subdue to the democracy of the world.
Statement Of Mr. Stanley Kodis, Suite 1508,105 West Monroe Street, Chicago,
Economic Gain To Lithuania And To The World (including Russia) By Lithuanian
The independence of Lithuania will benefit the world's commerce by eliminating the unnatural tariff system the object of which was to develop the trade of central RuBsia by making transportation conditions more difficult in the western regions of Russia, viz, Baltic Provinces alon<r the Baltic shore.
The independence of Lithuania will open new markets for American products: and not only that, but through Lithuania, owing to its geographical position, markets of western Russia, Ukraine, White Russia, etc., will become more accessible for American commerce.
The independence of Lithuania will not injure Russia economically or commercially, as in the past Russia did not use the rail or water ways in Lithuania which it could have afforded in commercial intercourse with the wester? world.
Now Lithuania, by acquiring and improving the port of Memel, will open up the hinterland. The River Niemen can be utilized not only by Russia to the east of Lithuania, but also by the nations trading with Russia and with Lithuania, giving a much shorter and, therefore, irore economic route, eliminating wasteful double hauls. Moreover, the development of the canal system begun by the Germans during the occupation, in expectation of annexing Lithuania, will open an all-water route from Memel clear to the Black Sea. Russia, for political purposes, in the past created centers of industry and commerce in Petrograd and Moscow by building railways in such a way that merchandise had to be shipped first to cither one of them before it could reach its final destination. A glance at the map will show that Memel is on a line almost due west of the Kiel Canal, and with the internationalization of this waterway is bound to become a great distributing point for Ukrainia and White Russia and the southern Provinces of Great Russia—but only if the incentive for the development of Memel is given by recognizing Lithuania's independence. Neither Poland nor Russi? will ever develop this port which, for them, is in foreign territory.
Under foreign oppression Lithuania would not have the possibility for the exploitation of all of its natural resources, for instance, mineral paints, sulphur and other minerals, for some of which this country has to depend on Germany!
RELATIONS TO BOLSHEVIKI.
That Lithuania proved a very unfertile ground for Bolshevism is demonstrated by the fact that the Bolsheviki were unable to form at Vilna a Soviet out of Lithuanians; and that young men of Lithuania who were forced into the Red Army deserted it at the first opportunity in order to join the Lithuanian National Army. Further, the invasion of Lithuania by Bolsheviki aroused the greatest resentment against them .
The true spirit of Lithuania is e xemplified by the battle of Zasliai, where Lithuanians, although surrounded by Bolsheviki forces five times greater, preferred to die rather than surrender. Such a spirit exists in Lithuania to this day notwithstanding the fact that it did not receive proper aid and assistance from the Allies at a time when it was most needed.
Lithuania does not wish to interfere with the internal affairs of Russia, whether the latt er comes under the rule of Kolchak, the Bolsheviki, or any other form of government but the fact remains that Russia is the mother of Bolshevism, just as Germany is the father of it.
The independence of Lithuania means a solid and dependable wall against Bolshe