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propaganda had a double advantage. For decieving the American public it relief upon two things, namely, the Kossuth myth which sought to make us believe that Kossuth was a liberator in the sense that Washington was. and that he was the champion of universal liberty. The truth is that he was neither; but he was a tyranieal oppressor, a rampant Magyar jingo and imperialist who though himself a Slovak by race became a traitor to his own people and stood for the principle of subjugating the majority of the population of Hungary, composed of Slovaks, Serbs, Croats. Carpatho-Ru&sians and Roumanians to the Magyar minority. Kossuth visited the United States. Our people were taken in by him. They knew something about, the Hapsburgs and detested them. Kossuth fought against the Hapsburgs and without any further investigation of the man and his works our people rushed to the conclusion that his cause must be a just one. But in our day this Magyar myth about Kossuth has been exploded and he has been awarded his proper, unenviable place in history. Yet the Magyars continue to deceive our peojile with the old Kossuth fairy tale.

(References: "Ra'ial Problems in Hungary" by Seton-Watson; "Corruption and Reform in Hungary" by Seton-Watson.) .

Secondly, the Magyar propagandists have been exploiting the word Hungary and Hungarians. This has been their favorite pastime, especially in the United States. Edward Freeman, the great English historian, once said that to properly understand the geographical, physical, and ethnological conditions in the Austro-Hungarian Empire would in itself require a liberal education. In view of that statement it is no discredit to ou ipeople that the majority of them have not the information at hand which would enable them to make proper deductions. The Magyars, real izing this situation, employed it to deceive the American public and to found upon the lack of our information their insidious propaganda.

What was formerly termed the Kingdom of Hungary is a geographical area in central Europe which comprises a polyglot State. This late State is inhabited by the following nations or partu of nations: In the north by the Slovaks, an entire nation; in the south by the Croats, an entire nation, and by the Serbs, a kin of the Croats, the only difference between these two being that the Croats are Roman Catholic in religion and employ the Latin alphabet while the Serbs are Greek-Orthodox in religion and employ the Cyrillic alphabet. In Transylvania, the southeastern part of Hungary, there live the Roumanians, and in the northeastern part of Hungary live the so-called Carpatho-Russians. The Magyars themselves occupied the central Danubian plain. The total population of Hungary before the nations of Hungary disintegrated it into its component parts by enforcing the principle of the self-determination of nations, waB about 22,000,000, of whom approximately 9,000,000 were Magyars and 13.000,000 nonMagvars. The Slovaks have occupied Slovakia in northern Hungary centuries before the Magyars came there as a nomadic tribe.

These various nations of Hungary lived in peace and concord with one another throughout the middle ages and to the very beginning of the nineteenth century. The Latin language was the language of the courts and of the civil administration of Hungary until the close of the eighteenth century and was the bond that united the ]>olyglot peoples of this polyglot kingdom. In 1S4S the Magyars asserted themselves as the dominant nationality, and with Koasuth begins the era of their chauvinistic attempts to denationalise the non-Magyar majority, to efface the non-Magyar nations and to make the country homogeneous in language and national consciousness. In a word, to rob the non-Magyar majority of its national heritage.

In 1867 the Magyars wrested from the Ilapsburg dynasty the so-called agreement (Ausgleich), under which they were made complete masters over the destinies of the non-JUagyar nations in the late Hungarian Kingdom, and from that time dates the most brutal denationalizing policy that the world has ever known. Upon the dead bodies of the nun-Magyar nations <>i Hungary was to be reared a new Magyar empire.

In the pamphlet submitted to you by the Magyar representatives entitled "The Case of Hungary," a constant effort is being made to prove that the Magyars in Hungary were only trying to do that which has been done in the United States, namely, to have the people learn the language of the country. How false, arrogant, and misleading this cliam is becornes apparent from the fact that article 44 of the law of 186S. ■whose provisions, however, were never put into effect, but which was merely used as a means of deceiving the world by parading it as an instrument of modern liberalism, guarantees to the nations inhabiting Hungary the right to maintain their own mother tongue in church and school, and guarantees to them their national individuality and civil equality. We ask these Maygar gentlemen, who so glibly point to our case of California. Texas, and New Mexico, that if these are parallel cases, why was it necessary for the Magyars to make these guaranties to the non-Magyar nations if the Magyars did not owe them any duty in this respect? We also ask them why they are now trying to deceive the American public with the claim of their prior occupation of Hungary? If the Magyars were the sole owners of Hungary by virtue of prior settlement, why was it necessary to make this guaranty to the non-Magyars? We wish to explain, however, that although these guaranties were on paper, that they were put on paper merely for the purpose of showing the pseudo-Magyar liberalism to the rest of the world, but that they were never put into effect and that the Slovaks particularly were the object of the bitterest policy of denationalization, were tyrannized over, and defrauded of all their natural rights.

If the representatives of Magyar imperialism would be honest they would freely admit that the situation in Hungary as pertains to the various nations is akin to that in Switzerland, where peoples speaking three languages live side by side, yet, unlike Hungary, in fully respecting each other's linguistic rights. Thev would also admit that since 1867 the Magyar oligarchic clique of feudal lords which has had Hungary by the throat has been violently opposed to any solution of this polyglot situation by refusing to make any concessions toward a federalists form of government, and that they have always stood out violently for the policy of a ruthless Magyar imperialism which would devour tho non-Magvar nations and mold them over into the dreamedof Magyar State. This Maygar State idea had its birth in the sixties of the last century and is at the root of all tlie sufferings of the people of Hungary. The Magyar State idea drove the chauvinistic Magyar nation into the hands of the undemocratic, militaristic, feudal lords, such as Tisza, Apponyi, and others, who forced their backward, unprogressive, medieval ideas upon the entire population of Hungary and drove the Magyar people into this war in order to further their imperialistic designs.

The Magyars have a double face, one is for appearance at home in Hungary and the other they show abroad. Their conduct at home is reactionary, brutal, and oppressive. The entire effort of their government was exerted at all times since 1848 in the effort to denationalize the non-Magyar nations which were occupying this common region. Their conduct in the outer world was one of unending deception by which they sought to create the impression that they were imbued with democratic ideas and liberal in their treatment of the non-Magyar nations.

The flimsy justification which the Magyars sought to establish for their brutal, cynical, imperialistic, designs at home was based upon the fact that in the Magyar language they had no word for Hungary. The term Magyar-Orszag, meaning the Magyar country, being to them synonymous with the term Hungary. Hence, in the United States they have sought to convey the impression that every Hungarian or a person coming from Hungary was a Magyar, though they seldom used the appellation Magyar, preferring to use the word Hungarian in order that they might more readily deceive the uninformed and unitiated. The truth of the matter is that practically all of the non-Magyar people of Hungary resented to be called even Hungarians, much less Magyars, they having nothing in common with the Magyars. But they have a bitter memory of the cruel persecutions; and those of the non-Magyars who have come to the United States have been driven here by these persecutions and the economic distress which accompanied them. For tho Magyar imperialism under which these peoples of Hungary have suffered, and this applies to Magyars and non-Magyars alike, was sponsored by the Magyar nobilitv who composed an oligarchy of feudal lords for the purpose of conveniently exploiting the masses of the population, denying these masses the right of universal suffrage and proper representation in matters of government.

This feudal oligarchy, represented by such men as the late Count Tisza, Count Apponyi, and others, have been the chief propagandists of Hungary in order to preserve the .so-called integrity of Hungary so that they might continue in their undemocratic and reactionary manner and exploit the 22,000,000 of the population for their own selfish enrichment. Magyar imperialism is but a cloak to them, so that they can play upon the vanity of the 9,000,000 Magyars and use these not only for their exploitation but as an instrument for the denationalization and consequent subjugation of the remaining 13,000,000 of non-Magyars. In a word, so that they can continue their feudal overlordship over Hungary in this modern era which has outgrown their medieval ideas.


During the war in reliance upon the deception and mystification of the peoples of Western Europe the Magyars had the effrontery to maintain in London itself a propaganda bureau. Fortunately the English upon its discovery put an end to it. They have used in Switzerland a propaganda bureau known as "Agence Centrale," and thev are carrying on active propaganda detrimental to the Entente cause wherever they believe their efforts will sow the seeds of discord. In Holland they have established the "Hollandsch-Nieuwsburo," which has been working under the guidance of their agents, Pazmandy and Cserniak. The impertinence of Csemiak became so great that he was expelled from Holland. We do not seek to deny to any one the right to influence his fellowmen on behalf of the cause of his nation if it is done in an honest, upright manner, but we protest against insidious efforts in this direction which employ falsehood, intrigue, deception, and craftiness, not to mention other dishonorable devices, for the purpose of robbing the world of the fruits of the victory of this war at the terrible cost of millions of lives and the expenditure of treasure that beggars the imagination.

That this purpose has been set down by the Magyars so that by craftiness they can now obtain what they failed to do by force of arms is apparent from the following citation from the Pesti Hirlap of Budapest: "In the three coming months we have to concentrate all our efforts on the work abroad; no matter how much it costs, whether it is one million or one hundred thousand millions, it is worth it. Every article written in French. English, or Italian, will save for us one square kilometer of Hungarian territory. It will be the duty of a clever manager to spread into the circles of our enemies what the staff of writers will prepare. It is necessary to send into every foreign country with Andrassy, Apponyi, and other Magyar statesmen, Magyar socialists who speak foreign languages fluently, for we can not spare Andrassy and Apponyi and their equals when there is a question of propaganda in foreign countries."

It is estimated that the full-page advertisements which appeared in someof the daily papers of New York and signed by the so-called American Committee for the Relief of Hungary, have cost about $0,500. The New York American late in July contained an article by Count Apponyi which contains the same misstatements, falsities and misrepresentations that are contained in the advertisement above referred to. The same misrepresentation has been carried on in the pamphlet submitted to your honorable committee entitled "The Case of Hungary," and signed by Eugene" Pivany as secretary of the Hungarian-American Federation. Mr. Pivany admits that he ha? been at Budapest in close touch with Magyar statesmen during the whole period of the war, and that he returned to the United States last January. There is but one conclusion that we can arrive at, namely, that the effort now being made to deceive the American public with regard to the "case of Hungary " had its origin at Budapest and is a part of one vast conspiracy to rob the world and humanity of a victory for justice and righteousness for which we paid our collosal price in human life, agony and treasure. We protest as American citizens against the effrontery and insolence of the enemy to carry on among us this insidious activity.


When the war broke out there were in the Uirited States almost 1,000,000 Slovak immigrants. They were driven here by Magyar oppression and the economic backwardness of their country, thanks to Magyar administration.

The Slovaks from our country used to visit their homeland in large numbers. Thev became imbued with the American spirit. They were no longer the same docile Slovaks as of yore and asserted their rights against iheir foreign masters.

The Magyar Government planned to put a stop to the influx of this democratic and liberalizing spirit. At home in Hungary this ruling, feudal aristocracy had degraded every religious body and its ministry to the level of the hand-maid'»f its rapacious politics and Magyarizing policy. No priest or minister would be ordained if he was not in accord with the Magyar State idea, nor could he have a parish, which meant that he must sell his birthright for a ine.ss of potage.

The Magyar Government issued an order to control the priests in the United States who had Slovak parishes. They used the Austro-Hungarian consular and diplomatic service to spy on the priests and congregations and to act as informers. In this last class they also used a few renegade priests. The Magyar Government also sent here a bishop for the Uniates, a branch of the Roman Catholic Church, to which the Carpatho-Russians, neighbors of the Slovaks, belong. The patriotic and loyal American priests ministering to the Slovak congregations in the United States sent a memorable protest to their American bishops resenting the interference of the secular Magyar Government in purely ecclesiastical matters.

Several years before the war, under the auspices of the Magvar Government, 8 Magyar flag accompanied by some Magyar soil was sent to the United States. The flag bore the inscription, "Be ever loyal to your country. Oh, Magyar." This flag and soil were to be sent from one Magyar colony to another" in the United States. The Slovak immigrants in the United States, through their accredited representative, protested to our State Department against this effort of a foreign Government to foster divided allegiance on our soil and to stand in the way of a thorough American spirit among a part of our people. This loyalty of the Slovak immigrant in the light of recent events merits the gratitude of all Americans. It was this spirit that inspired the American of Czecho-Slovak birth or descent to render the supreme sacrifice in this war. This spirit brought the downfall of Dr. Dumha. the Austro-Hungarian ambassador, when he tried to coerce the Slovaks, and to threaten them if they dared to work in our munition plants. At that time we see, there also was an organization here among Magyars which was working for the relief of Hungary, against the United States.

Under the guise of a loyalty league these same Magyars tried to form during the war among our Slovak immigrants an organization called the Hviezda. which was to wean them away from anv interest in the war and in Hungarian affairs. The effort met with failure, "fhe Slovak remained true to the United States and to the cause of his oppressed race.

I hardly need to note the fact that the Magyar Government subsidized lxith Magyar and Slovak newspapers in the United States. Rut this effort among the Slovaks met with resentment and failure; they saw through the scheme. One of these sheets, called the Krajan, will always live in their memory as the greatest joke in Slovak journalism.

The efforts of Magyar propagandists in the United States were an utter failure in influencing the Slovak immigrants. Now, when the victory for an undivided American loyalty among these people has been won and when freedom for their race is dawning in the homeland—the insidious hand of the Magyar enemy—the enemy of the United States and of Czechoslovakia—turns the venom of his vicious propaganda upon the entire American public to deceive us, and to rob us of the realization of that ideal for which we all struggled and sacrificed so that peace might be made more secure and the happiness of nations assured.


The effort has been made by the representatives of Magyar imperialism to impress your honorable committee that the Magyars in Europe played but a subordinate part in the war and that they were compelled to play this part against their will.

No one. will deny that Count Julius Andrassy is a loyal Magyar patriot and a mouthpiece of the Maygar people. In a speech which he delivered in December, 1917. among other statements, he said:

''The events of this war have shown that Hungary is the surest support of the monarchy, while the tendencies of the Czechs are a great danger for the dynasty and the monarchy. We (Magyars) devoted all our powers to the cause of the monarchy and the dynasty, and we did this from duty, loyalty, and also egoism. Count Szecheny in 1848 summoned the nation to support the dynasty and assure to the Magyars a dominant role. At that time it was impossible, because there were vital differences between the outlook of the dynasty and of the Magyar nation, and because the dynasty stood for interests in foreign policy wilh which the nation had nothing in common. What was then impossible has now happened without Szecheny, without any great men: The (Magyar) nation has itself felt the interests of the dynasty and of the nation to be identical, and placed all its forces at the service of the throne."

Count Andrassy contended, the Czechs on the other hand "have proved disloyal and part of their troops have joined the enemy. As there is no Czech army to enforce their claims, they could only obtain their aims in one way, by revolution; and to admit openly such a policy is only calculated to weaken them and strengthen us (the Magyars). They think that with the amnesty a political course was ushered in such as justifies them in putting forward such claims. I believe them to be radically mistaken. Meanwhile from the standpoint of the monarchy as a whole, it is undoubtedly most harmful that the Slavs follow so revolutionary a policy. That can only lead to the collapse of Austria. It is to our interest that side by side with a strong Hungary there should be a strong Austria. It is quite certain that we can reckon in every way upon the support of his majesty, both on account of his whole outlook, of his interest of self preservation, and of the oath which lie has taken to oppose every effort to violate Hungary's integrity. * * * Hut on the other hand, we must act with the greatest energy against these excesses, and use all our influence to prevent dualism being replaced by federalism, which would make the small nations independent of Austria and render it possible for them, as equals, to place us in a minority over important common questions. To give these forces the right to interfere in our important affairs as special autonomous States, would be equivalent to consciously destroying the power of the monarchy."

. On the same occasion Dr. Wekerle (a Magyar) made a statement in which he bitterly denounced any effort to establish federalism in Hungary and gave assurance that a determined policy would be adopted to maintain the present dualist basis and against all Slav- aspirations. And he added:

"The best guarantee against them is unity (between Hungary and Austria), and that is our strong and impregnable fortress, if the golden band which unites us is strengthened by the support of the Crown. And to prove its impregnable character, I venture, with His Majesty's permission, to announce his declaration, that there is not even the bare possibility of HisMajesty's not employingall his authority to nullify efforts directed against the lawful independence or territorial integrity of the Hungarian State."

The foregoing citations from eminent Magyar statesmen show the position of the Magyar people in their attitude toward the war. We need but recall to your minds the hostile attitude of the Magyar prisoners of war toward the Czecho-Slavok soldiers operating in Russia and Siberia. These Magyar and German prisoners of war, acting in consonance with an order issued under the joint signatures of Wilhelm II and Emperor Charles that they align themselves with the Bolsheviki, as this was in the interest of Germany and Austria-Hungary, followed this exhortation, and at all times bitterly fought against the Czecho-Slovak army operating in Russia and Siberia.

We ask, considering the record that the Magyars have made in this war as bitter enemies of the Entente on every battle field, considering the statements of Magyar statesmen, what evidence have the Magyar apologists to offer in support of their statement that the Magyars played but a secondary part in the war?


It has always been a passion with the Magyars to falsify their statistics for their own advantage in order to demonstrate to the world that they were the dominant race in Hungary. For that reason scholars are unanimous in asserting that Hungarian statistics are entirely unreliable. But however unreliable they may be, the subjoined statistics are official Magyar statistics which were employed for the purpose of proving the Czecho-Slovak case by means of the enemy's statistics.

To demonstrate the craftiness employed by the Magyars in the presentation of statitics, it is but necessary to mention that the statistics of 1910 give the total number of Slovaks as 1,9(S7,970, but the number of persons speaking the Slovak language as 2,770,743. Everyone knows that the Magyar, a member of the dominant race, does not condescend to learn the Slovak language. Therefore it follows that the latter figure represents the real number of Slovaks.

If, on the other hand, the Magyars make the contention that the difference between these figures represents Magyarized Slovaks, when the political pressure heretofore exerted upon these Magyarized Slovaks is removed they will again become Slovak adherents and willing subject of the Czecho-Slovak State. Furthermore, the Magyars living in Slovak districts who form the official class of carpet baggers, when the Magyars cease to rule Slovakia, their function being over, they will return to their original homes in Magyar land, where they properly belong.

When the Magyars set up the claim that in any event some Magyars must remain in Czecho-Slovak territory, it must also be remembered that there will be many Slovaks who, when the final borders are drawn, will be compelled to remain in Magyar territory. And these numbers, it has been estimated, will be about equal. This fact will probably be a guarantee of mutual tolerance. Furthermore, the peace conference has seen to it that the rights of racial minorities will be safeguarded.

The Slovak counties fall naturallyi nto three groups: (1) Seven, where the population is predominantly Slovak; (2) seven, which are in great majority Slovak, but portions of which are mixed and therefore debatable; (3) five, which contain Magyar majorities, certain portions of which it will be necessary to sacrifice in order to attain a tolerable frontier. In the following tables these groups are divided for practical purposes into two categories: (1) What can fairly be assigned without further question to the Czecho-Slovak Republic, and (2) debatable districts which ought, if the Paris conference still has the time and energy, to form the subject of a special inquiry on the spot, rather than be carved up arbitrarily by ill-informed diplomats at a distance.

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