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interest," and I told him then that if it meant "paramount interest," I could not discuss it further; hut if he meant special interest based upon geographical position, I would consider the insertion of it in the note. Then it was, during that same interview, that we mentioned "paramount interest" and he made a reference to the Monroe doctrine, and rather a suggestion that there should be a Monroe doctrine for the Far East.

And I told him that there seemed to be a misconception as to the underlying principle of the Monroe doctrine; that it was not an assertion of primacy or paramount interest by the United States in its relation to other American Republics; that its purpose was to prevent foreign powers from interfering with the separate rights of any nation in this hemisphere, and that the whole aim was to preserve to each Republic the power of self-development. I said further that so far as aiding in this development the United States claimed no special privileges over other countries.

Senator Brandeoee. Excuse me, Mr. Secretary. Were these oral declarations that were made?

Secretary Lansing. Oral entirely.

Senator Brandegee. No stenographer was present?

Secretary Lansing. No stenographer was present.

Senator Brandegee. This is from memory?

Secretary Lansing. Not at all. It is made from memoranda which I dictated to a stenographer immediately upon the departure of Count Ishii.

Senator Williams. That is the usual way of keeping these records.

Secretary Lansing. It is the only possible way.

Senator Brandegee. Yes.

Secretary Lansing. I told Viscount Ishii that I felt that the same principle should be applied to China, and that no special privileges, and certainly no paramount interest, in that country should be claimed by any foreign power. While the phrasing of the notes to be exchanged was further considered, the meaning of "special interest" was not again discussed.

Senator Brandegee. Will you pardon an interruption there?

Secretary Lansing. Yes, sir.

Senator Brandegee. What did Count Ishii say? Did he apparently coincide with your view or did he maintain silence?

Secretary Lansing. He maintained silence.

Senator Borah. Have you anything more, Mr. Secretary?

Secretary Lansing. Not so far as "special interest" is concerned.

Senator Borah. Have you finished about the Lansing-Ishii agreement?

Secretary Lansing. Not entirely.

Senator Williams. I suggest that he finish.

Senator Brandegee. I would like to ask one question there. Have you a copy of the Lansing-Ishii agreement in the room here?

Secretary Lansing. I have one here somewhere. It is a Senate document.

Senator Brandegee. Please give the number of it.

Secretary Lansing. No; I beg your pardon, it is not a Senate document. It is one of the treaty series.

Senator Brandegee. For the use of the State Department?

Secretary Lansing. For the use of the State Department. Treaty Series No.*630.

Senator Pomerene. There is no objection to incorporating that in your testimony, is there?

Secretary Lansing. Not at all, sir.

Senator Pomerene. I ask that that may be done.

The Chairman. That will be done.

(The agreement referred to is here printed in full as follows:)

AGREEMENT EFFECTED BY EXCHANGE OP NOTES BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND JAPAN—MUTUAL INTEREST RELATING TO THE REPUBLIC OF CHINA—SIGNED NOVEMBER 2, 1917.

(The Secretary of State to the Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of

Japan on special mission.)

Department Of State, Washington, November 2, 1917.

Excellency: I have the honor to communicate herein my understanding of the agreement reached by us in our recent conversations touching the questions of mutual interest to our Governments relating to the Republic of China.

In order to silence mischievous reports that have from time to time been circulated, it is believed by us that a public announcement once more of the desires and intentions shared by our two Governments with regard to China is advisable.

The Governments of the United States and Japan recognize that territorial propinquity creates special relations between countries, and consequently the Government of the United States recognizes that Japan has special interests in China, particularly in the part to which her possessions are contiguous.

The territorial sovereignty of China, nevertheless, remains unimpaired, and the Government of the United States has every confidence in the repeated assurances of the Imperial Japanese Government that while geographical position gives Japan such special interests they have no desire to discriminate against the trade of other nations or to disregard the commercial rights heretofore granted by China in treaties with other powers.

The Governments of the United States and Japan deny that they have any purpose to infringe in any way the independence or territorial integrity of China, and they declare, furthermore, that they always adhere to the principle of the so-called "open door" or equal opportunity for commerce and industry in China.

Moreover, they mutually declare that they are opposed to the acquisition by any government of any special rights or privileges that would affect the independence or territorial integrity of China, or that would deny to the subjects or citizens of any country the full enjoyment of equal opportunity in the commerce and industry of China.

I shall be glad to have Your Excellency confirm this understanding of the agreement reached by us.

Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurance of my highest consideration.

Robert Lansing. His Excellency Viscount Kikujiro Ishii,

Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Japan,

on Special Mission.

(The Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Japan, on Special Mission,

to the Secretary of State.)

The Special Mission Of Japan,

Washington, November 2, 1917.

Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your note of to-day, communiaiting to me your understanding of the agreement reached by us in our recent conversations touching the questions of mutual interest to our Governments relating to the Republic of China.

I am happy to be able to confirm to you, under authorization of my Government, the understanding in question set forth in the following terms:

In order to silence mischievous reports that have from time to time been circulated, it is believed by us that a public announcement once more of the desires and intentions shared by our two Governments with regard to China is advisable.

13554ft—19 15

The Governments of Japan and the United States recognize that territorial propinquity creates special relations between countries, and, consequently, the Government of the United States recognizes that Japan has special interests in China, particularly in the part to which her possessions are contiguous.

The territorial sovereignty of China, nevertheless, remains unimpaired, and the Government of the United States has every confidence in the repeated assurances of the Imperial Japanese Government that while geographical position gives Japan such special interests, they have no desire to discriminate against the trade of other nations or to disregard the commercial rights heretofore granted by China in treaties with other powers.

The Governments of Japan and the United States deny that they have any purpose to infringe in any way the independence or territorial integrity of China and they declare, furthermore, that they always adhere to the principle of the so-called "open door," or equal opportunity for commerce and industry in China.

Moreover, they mutually declare that they are opposed to the acquisition by any Government of any special rights or privileges that would affect the independence or territorial integrity of China or that would deny to the subjects or citizens of any country the full enjoyment of equal opportunity in the commerce and industry of China.

I take this opportunity to convey to you, sir, the assurances of my highest consideration.

K. Ishii, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Japan on Special Mission.

Hon. Robert Lansing,

Secretary of State.

Secretary Lansing. On the 2d of November, 1917, as will appear by the document, the notes were exchanged between this Government and Japan, and I issued on the 6th, the time the notes were made public, a statement in regard to them. There are portions of that statement that I would like to incorporate.

Senator Brandegee. Why not put the whole statement in; I mean, furnish it to the stenographer? Let us have the whole statement.

Secretary Lansing. I have not the whole statement.

Senator Mccumber. If it is not too long, may it not be read now?

Secretary Lansing. This is real short, and I think it will save time to read this.

Senator Brandegee. I do not mean to read it all now, but later to furnish the whole statement so that it can be incorporated.

Senator Hitchcock. I think we ought to have read what he has now.

Senator Brandegee. Certainly.

Secretary Lansing (reading):

There had unquestionably been growing up between the peoples of the two countries a feeling of suspicion as to the motives inducing the activities of the other in the Far East, a feeling which, if unchecked, promised to develop a serious situation. Rumors and reports of improper intentions were increasing and were more and more believed. Legitimate commercial and industrial enterprises without ulterior motive were presumed to have political significance, with the result that opposition to those enterprises was aroused in the other country.

By frankly denouncing the evil influences which have been at work, by openly proclaiming that the policy of Japan is not one of aggression, and by declaring that there is no intention to take advantage commercially or industrially of the special relation to China created by geographical position, the representatives of Japan have cleared the diplomatic atmosphere of the suspicions which had been so carefully spread by our enemies and by misguided or overzealous people in both countries.

The statements in the notes require no explanation. They not only contain a reaffirmation of the "open door" policy, but introduce a principle of noninterference with the sovereignty and territorial integrity of China, which, generally applied, is essential to perpetual international peace, as clearly declared by President Wilson, and which is the very foundation also of Pan Americanism as interpreted by this Government.

That is all I desire to read.

Senator Mccumber. That is a statement that you issued for publication at the time, in connection with the agreement?

Secretary Lansing. Yes, sir; for publication.

Senator Fall. Would it interrupt to ask a question?

Secretary Lansing. Not at all.

Senator Fall. You made a statement as to the interpretation of Pan Americanism. Do you understand that the Monroe doctrine and the Pan-American doctrine as declared by President Wilson are the same?

Secretary Lansing. No, sir.

Senator Fall. I did not understand that.

Secretary Lansing. They come to the same result but they are entirely on a different basis. The Monroe doctrine is purely a national doctrine. Pan Americanism is an international policy.

Senator Hitchcock. Did Viscount Ishii make any public statement following the agreement?

Secretary Lansing. He did, very much of a similar order.

Senator Hitchcock. That was published in this country, or only in Japan?

Secretary Lansing. I think it was telegraphed back here. I can not recall exactly. He did make a statement on leaving this country. I think his Government also made a statement in Japan.

Senator Brandegee. Is it your understanding, Mr. Secretary, that the original use of the Monroe doctrine was based upon the theory that it was necessary for our defense?

Secretary Lansing. Entirely so.

Senator Williams. Defense of our institutions, too?

Senator Brandegee. Yes; of our country and our institutions.

Secretary Lansing. It was apparently a national policy.

Senator Brandegee. And a warning.

Senator Williams. A declaration by the United States, with a threat by the United States that she would maintain it by force, if necessary.

Senator Borah. Are you through with that incident, Mr. Secretary?

Secretary Lansing. I am, sir.

Senator Borah. Mr. Secretary, in order that we may have a chronological statement

Senator New. You say it was announced as a national policy?

Secretary Lansing. The Monroe doctrine?

Senator New. Yes.

Secretary Lansing. Yes.

Senator New. Not as a regional understanding ? _

Secretary Lansing. It had that effect, very decidedly.

Senator New. But it was a national policy.

Secretary Lansing. A national policy.

Senator New. Announced by this country for itself and by itself?

Secretary Lansing. Yes; it was a selfish doctrine. Pan Americanism is an unselfish doctrine.

Senator Williams. Just following up what he said, I understood him to ask you if it was a regional understanding. It does pertain to the Western Hemisphere?

Secretary Lansing. Entirely.

Senator Williams. There was more or less of an express or implicit understanding among the peoples of the earth that they respected it, was there not?

Secretary Lansing. Yes, sir.

Senator Williams. And they accepted it practically, whether they did or not.

Secretary Lansing. Yes.

Senator Williams. And it was an understanding, and it was regional.

Senator Fall. I do not like to interrupt the proceedings to call attention to specific matters and declarations of other countries or language of other countries with reference to the Monroe doctrine, but I do not want by my silence to seem to agree with the statement made by the Senator from Mississippi and with the answers of the Secretary. It has been challenged.

Senator Williams. I never said it had not. I was getting the Secretary's opinion and expressing my own. I did not mean to intrench in the slightest degree upon your right to have a different opinion.

Senator Fall. Exactly. The Senator could not do that. However, the word "understanding" implies something more than a unilateral declaration, does it not?

Secretary Lansing. Necessarily.

Senator Williams. Let me ask the Secretary this question: Was there not an understanding between us and Great Britain not to go any further, even before President Monroe announced the doctrine?

Secretary Lansing. That is apparently the evidence of history, that Canning had a great deal to do with the announcement of the Monroe Doctrine.

Senator Fall. And the United States distinctly declined to make the declaration jointly with Great Britain, which is clearly shown by the correspondence between the various parties, including Jefferson, Madison, Adams, and Monroe.

The Chairman. We went so much further than Canning expected, that he rejected it.

Senator Williams. To go a step further, the United States declined to make a joint announcement with Great Britain as was suggested by Canning, but the United States made an announcement upon "her own hook, and there had been a previous understanding that Canning wanted the announcement made. Now, that is all I am contending for. So that there was an understanding which was to be constituted a part of President Monroe's proclamation. It did constitute a part of it; there is no doubt about that.

Senator Fall. The Senator is another man skilled in the English language, and he can express in his words what he understands, I presume, or what he wants people to understand that he understands, as to an understanding between Canning and the United States which was never arrived at.

Senator Brandegee. I wish to state, in relation to what the Senator from Mississippi has said, that Canning made the suggestion that we fell into.

Senator Fall. Canning made the suggestion, which we repudiated.

Senator Williams. But under our principle of not being involved in entangling alliances, we did not want to be involved. And, by the way, Mr. Jefferson was in favor of its being a joint announcement.

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