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go to Ireland, and we saw the conditions detailed there. We visited all parts of Ireland.

At the request of the representatives of Lloyd-George, Gov. Dunne and I visited Belfast, at the request of Sir William Wiseman, the liaison officer between the two Governments. We visited all parts of Ireland, and the conditions portrayed by our chairman are exactly as portrayed. They present to different minds, of course, different phases, but you have a people there united to a degree unparalleled in their history. I have been connected with the Irish movement during all of my life. There has never been such unanimity among the Irish people, and there has never been such a unanimous desire for their recognition upon the part of the people of Irish blood in the United States. I do not care what official place men may hold, through whose veins flow Irish blood, when they seek to uphold this tyrannous production, then I say they fly in the face of the desires and the hopes of the Irish people. We are one in this matter as never before in our history. I never saw Ireland until I saw it in May of this year. They are a wondrous people, a kindly people, yearning, yearning for betterment. By every test that the President meted out, they have met the requirements. Under the forms of British law, 79 representatives are hostile to English rule out of an elected 101. Seventy-nine out of one hundred and one. Seventy-three of those seventy-nine were elected as ultrarepublicans, saying they would not sit in the British House of Commons if chosen, and upon that platform they were chosen. There was division among the people, because large masses of them who are what are called nationalists still believed there was no hope for a republic. Therefore they didived their vote. Men there say that upon a plebescite, the nation, four to one at least, would vote for an Irish republic. All Provinces in Ireland are as one. For 30 Tears, may I call to the attention of Senators, every one of the four Provinces in Ireland has been a nationalist Province.

For 30 years 17 out of the 33 representatives from Ulster have been Nationalists. When men speak of this Ulster question and say that it indicates hostility to the aspirations of the rest of Ireland, they speak in ignorance of the history of Ulster. The best blood of Ulster, the people of Ulster, have been the radical revolutionists of Ireland. The united Irishmen who first proclaimed and sought the establishment of a republic—that movement was originated by the Ulster men, not Catholics, in 1792. The greatest name in Irish history, the one most loved, the one to whom the hearts of the people go out in greatest enthusiasm, was the founder of that organization, Theobald Wolfe Tone, the man who died in the rebellion of 1798 with the Ulster Protestants. And need I say to you that Robert Emmet was also a Protestant, though not an Ulster man. Those of you who walk along lower Broadway in New York City will see as you come up to Cortland street, at St. Paul's Church, two great monuments, higher than from floor to ceiling of this room, one telling of the life of the brother of Robert Emmet, the brother who, fleeing from imprisonment, sought refuge in New York and became its attorney general and one of the leaders of the American bar.

The other is a monument of like character to Dr. McNevin, who rose to the head of American physicians in the early days of the nineteenth century. These men are typical of the long roll of Ulster men who fought and died for Ireland. Why, Senator Knox, your Pittsburgh district is filled with the names of the Pattons and men of that character whose ancestors died in Ireland battling against British tyranny. They gave to Pennsylvania so many of its names. Coleraine, Donegal, Tyrone, and Dungannon, all resplendent in its history. Those men brought these old names to their new homes, and they helped to make that great American Commonwealth. They reached out away beyond the Alleghenies, and they peopled the West, and I doubt not the ancestors of many of you were of that glorious strain. There is no religious question in this Irish movement. Excepting O'Connell and Redmond, in the whole long line of Ireland's history, when we call the roll of her mighty men, there were only two or three Catholics. I mean in the last 150 years. Molineaux and Swift and Wood and Grattan and Emmet, and Thomas Davis, the National poet, Archibald Hamilton, Rowan and Curran, and John Mitchell and Parnell in our own day. The men who make up this splendid body of idealists, even though their writs run to no foot of land, these men have been animated by a holy hope for liberty. All three of us who went to Paris—Dunne, Ryan, and Walsh—were born in this country. All our interests are here. The dust of our fathers and the bones of our children are alike buried in America. We love America above all other nations; three of my household went into this war.

One of my kin is dead at Chateau-Thierry. I looked for his grave over there. The French Government conducted me and Gov. Dunne to find that grave. Our kin entered this war believing that the United States meant what it said, that the right of self-determination should be given to all peoples, and the Irish, no matter what their feelings were that no war should have been declared, when this Congress spoke they rallied to a man; they poured forth their blood and their treasure, whether from Massachusetts or Missouri or Pennsylvania or California. Wherever it might be, the Irish rallied to the cause of the Stars and Stripes; and I beg of you Senators to exercise your rights and keep the pledged faith of America. Keep troth to the living and to the dead, and save this Nation and save our sons from engaging in wars to which neither the conscience nor the Congress of the United States shall give its assent, by defeating this treaty. [Applause.]

Those men brought these old names to their new homes, and they helped to make that great American Commonwealth. They reached out away beyond the Alleghenies, and they peopled the West, and I doubt not the ancestors of many of you were of that glorious strain. There is no religious issue in this Irish movement. Excepting O'Connell and Redmond, in the whole long line of Ireland's history, when we call the roll of leaders of her mighty men, there were few Catholics—I mean in the last 150 years. Molineaux and Swift, and Grattan and Emmet, and Archibald Hamilton Rowan, and Curran and John Mitchell, and Thomas Davis, the national poet, and Parnell in our own day, were all Protestants. Regardless of religion, regardless of creed, they were types and forerunners of the splendid body of idealists, the men wrho, assembled in Dublin to-day, speaking for Ireland, even though their writs run to no foot of land, are animated by the same centuries old holy hope for liberty.

All three of us who went to Paris—Dunne, Ryan, and Walsh— were horn in this country. All our interests are here. The dust of our fathers and the hones of our children are alike huried in America. We love America above all other nations. Three of my household went into this war. One of my kin is dead at Chateau-Thierry. I looked for his grave over there. The French Government conducted me and Gov. Dunne to find that grave. Our kin entered this war believing that the United States meant what it said, that the right of self-determination should be given to all peoples, and the Irish, no matter what their feelings were that no war should have been declared, when this Congress spoke they rallied to a man: they poured forth their blood and their treasure, whether from Massachusetts or Missouri or Pennsylvania or California. Wherever it might be, the Irish rallied to the cause of the Stars and Stripes; and I beg of you Senators to exercise your rights and keep the pledged faith of America. Keep troth to the living and to the dead, and save this Nation and save our sons from engaging in wars to which neither the conscience nor the Congress of the United States shall give its assent, by defeating this treaty.

Judge Cohalan. I have the pleasure of introducing Gov. Dunne, the third member of the commission that went to Paris, former governor of Illinois, former mayor of the city of Chicago.

STATEMENT OF HON. EDWARD F. DUNNE.

Mr. Dunne. Senator Lodge and fellow Senators, I with my colleagues appreciate the great courtesy extended to ourselves and to those who will address you after I have concluded my brief statement, and I will not unduly trespass upon your most valuable time.

Permit me briefly to corroborate in general the statements made so eloquently, so forcefully, and so truthfully by Mr. Walsh and by Mr. Ryan. Let me tell you gentlemen why we went to Paris. We had read, as even' American citizen has read, the aims and objects of the American Nation as expressed by its Chief Executive in entering this World War. We believe that the aims and objects so lucidly, so clearly, so forcefully stated by the President of the United States would, when that war was consummated, be carried out at the conference in Paris.

We, with millions of our fellow citizens in this country, expected that the Irish nation would not be made an exception among the weaker nations of the earth. We waited with patience and with confidence that at the conference in Paris the representatives selected by the American people would embody in the terms of the peace that was to be consummated there the aims and objects of the American people as expressed by its President. We waited until the 1st of February. We knew that in Paris the envoys of the Irish nation were knocking at the doors of the conference and asking a safe conduct for the duly elected representatives of the Irish people to Paris, so that they could present to this conference the claims of the Irish people to nationhood. So far as the papers of America were concerned, and so far as the papers of the world were concerned, the name of Ireland was not mentioned at that conference. We are citizens of America, who were born here, who love and admire this country and believe in keeping its faith; we happen to have Irish blood in our veins, but all three of us, like Mr. Walsh, were born here, and we all feel alike about this country. Like Mr. Walsh, I was not identified in any way with Irish societies. For years and years before I was honored by that great convention with the appointment as one of its commissioners, I had devoted all my life to American citizenship solely, and had been honored by my fellow citizens as an American citizen. I love this country above all countries, as they do, and we would sink Ireland and every other country into the deep rather than sacrifice the interests of this country.

We met at that convention. I think it was the most extraordinary convention I ever attended. Over 5,000 people who felt as we did gathered from every State and Territory in the United States, and under the guidance and inspiration of that convention a committee of 25 were appointed for the purpose of assisting the Irish people before the American commission in Paris to obtain a hearing, and the right of Ireland, as determined by an election held in December, three months after the armistice was signed, under all the forms and securities of British law, in which it was determined by threequarters of the Irish people, in round numbers, that an Irish republic was born, and a declaration of independence was issued such as the American people issued in 1776.

That committee of 25 honored Mr. Walsh, Mr. Ryan, and myself, asking us to become a commission of three to go to Paris, to appeal for what and to whom? To appeal to the representatives of the American Nation in Paris for the right of the Irish people to be heard in Paris along the lines enunciated by the President when he advised the American people to enter this world-wide war. Before we left Washington Mr. Walsh, in a letter to the Secretary of State, told the Secretary of State the object of our mission. It was avowedly political. It was avowedly for the purpose of enabling us to obtain a hearing for the Irish nation before the world peace conference. That letter is on file with the Secretary of State. After some delay passports were issued. I believe there was a protest from the British Government which delayed us 48 hours, but the Secretary of State granted the passports upon that letter.

The Secretary of State and the whole world knew, through the newspapers, the object of our mission, which was avowedly political.

We arrived at Paris. We were careful from the start to place the objects of our mission in writing and address it to the President first. The letter was addressed to the President and we were accorded a long interview, and I think I can characterize it as an unofficially sympathetic interview. The President referred us to Col. House. We had several interviews with Col. House, who treated us with extreme courtesy and acted with extreme diligence, but also unofficially.

I think Mr. Walsh interviewed every member of the American delegation. I personally interviewed every member but one, Secretary Lansing. We pointed out that we came as American citizens to address five American citizens in their official capacity as the representatives of the great American Republic, and all that we asked of the official representatives of the American Republic was to use their good offices officially to obtain for the duly elected representatives of the Irish people, elected under all the securities of British law, the right to plead their case before the tribunal in Paris. That was the sole object of our mission. Col. House acted with extreme diligence and courtesy, as my colleagues have told you. I think he interviewed Lloyd-George on the subject, and gave us to understand that he believed we were going to get for them that safe conduct. The Chairman. Unofficially?

Mr. Dunne. Unofficially, but told us that Lloyd-George—I suppose also unofficially—desired to meet the members of the delegation, and we believed that our cause was so impregnably just from the standpoint of American citizens that we could afford to meet and argue with Lloyd-George the justice of the Irish demand, and we consented to meet him at any day he might designate, and a day was designated to meet him. On the day designated it turned out, and I think truthfully, that owing to the exigencies of the situation in the preparation of the final draft of the peace conference and its presentation to the German representatives, Lloyd-George was unable to keep the appointment for the interview with us, and we were courteously so informed in the presence of Col. House, by Sir William Wiseman. It was then suggested, I do not know by whom, that as the safe conduct was not to be given promptly, and as the delegates of the Irish people were in Ireland and we were in Paris, it was impossible for us to confer with them, if they could not come to Paris, unless we could go to Ireland.

Thereupon, by prompt cooperation between the American officials, French officials, and British officials, we were given passports the next day which stated upon their face that our mission was diplomatic, and that we were going upon an unofficial political mission, and we avowedly stated that our desire was to communicate with the representatives of the Irish people and to become acquainted at first-hand with the situation in Ireland. There was no disguise about the object of our visit, and no restrictions or limitations of any character were imposed upon us either by the British premier or by the French authorities or by the American authorities, and we went to Ireland. And this is what we found there in Ireland, a component part of the British Empire, that the people of Ireland were without any of the British constitutional securities which are thrown around the citizens of .those Islands. We found that the habeas corpus was practically suspended, because of the restrictions thrown around it by the rulings of British courts, which made it an idle formality. We found the right of trial by jury suspended. Any man charged with political crime in Ireland could be tired only before a British court-martial, military authorities, or before a removable magistrate without a jury, these removable magistrates being appointed by the crown, many of them from the police force, sent from Dublin and different districts in Ireland, removable overnight, earning salaries of $4,000 a year and amenable to the recall of the Government at any time.

Senator Brandegee. Is there any appeal from the decisions of those military magistrates?

Mr. Donne. None that I know of. Men were arrested without warrant. We found that houses were searched without warrant, and men when arrested were imprisoned in British jails or deported to English jails, and not informed what charges were made against them.

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