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their report that that body had no power to grant the relief which the petitioners asked for. The report says, "If the representatives of the people, chosen for the ordinary purposes of legislation, could assume a control over the right of suffrage, to limit, curtail, or extend it at will, they might on the one hand disfranchise any portion they pleased of their own electors, and thereby deprive them of power ever to remove their representatives, and therefore reduce the government to a permanent aristocracy."

Now, the committee who made that report, and held up to the petitioners the danger that would attend the exercise of that power by a legislative body, knew very well, at the same time, that their own General Assembly had claimed and exercised that same unjust and dangerous power for nearly two hundred years; and it was nothing less than gross insult and mockery to foist upon the petitioners the tissue of reproach and falsehood of which that report was made up.

In conclusion, the committee say, "We ought to recollect that all the evils which may result from an extension of suffrage will be evils beyond our reach. We shall entail them upon our latest posterity without remedy. Open this door, and the whole frame and character of our institutions are changed forever."

We have been thus particular in noting that report, because it was intended as a final answer to all applications for the extension of suffrage, or a written constitution. It was considered at the time to be a masterly production, and held by the government to be perfectly orthodox in sentiment. A very able member of the legislature at that time made the following declaration in the House of Representatives: "Sir, I conceive that this body has the same power over the non-freeholders of this state that the Almighty has over the universe."

In 1832, the same subject was agitated without effect. In 1834, a constitutional party was organized, which, after struggling two or three years, was abandoned. In the mean time another "freeholders'" convention was called to draught a constitution. This convention, by a vote of about ten to one, refused to extend the right of suffrage, and after a session of two or three weeks, dismissed the whole subject and returned home. Thus matters went on until 1840, and nothing was accomplished. For nearly half a century the people had been struggling against the tyranny of an unauthorized legislature, in fruitless endeavors to obtain a republican constitution, that should protect them from the abuses of power, and guarantee equal rights to all the citizens. During that half century, the government had succeeded in baffling every effort of the people. Time after time the disfranchised, in the language of humble supplicants, implored the government to recognize them as citizens, and grant them relief. Time after time, they were driven away, as from the throne of a despot, and obliged to abandon their efforts in hopeless despair. One class of applicants became worn out, and retired others followed them - again and again the people renewed their efforts with the same mortifying result, and a whole generation passed away in fruitless endeavors to establish a republican form of government.

The people of Rhode Island, a quiet, peace-loving, law-abiding community, submitted to the tyranny, whilst they still clung to their own anchor of hope, confiding in the justice of their cause, and looking to an overruling Providence for ultimate success. When, we ask, in the history of the whole world, has an enlightened people borne so long and so much?

CHAPTER III.

PROCEEDINGS OF THE PEOPLE IN FORMING AND ADOPTING A CONSTITUTION.

THE extraordinary excitement which attended the presidential election, in 1840, for a time overcame all local interests, and nearly all those who had previously composed the suffrage party were drawn into the ranks of one or the other of the two great contending parties. But as soon as that election was over, and its temporary enthusiasm quieted, the disfranchised, with other liberalminded citizens of the state, returned again to the consideration of a written constitution. To the friends of suffrage the field now appeared clear of almost all other political controversies, and all seemed to say, "Now is the day and now is the hour" to strike for constitutional liberty. The subject assumed a grave aspect, and engaged the serious attention of the people of the whole state. Men of the highest legal attainments, who were not influenced by selfish motives, entered into the interests of the suffrage party, and the best judges of constitutional matters, in and out of the state, decided that the people of Rhode Island had an undoubted right to form and adopt a written constitution, without the concurrence of the legislature. The people were assured that the American governments were founded upon popular sovereignty, and that the expressed will of a decided majority of the people must be regarded as the supreme law of the state.

The course of the suffrage party now seemed clear. A large association was organized in Providence, and auxiliary associations were soon formed in other parts of the state. At the January session of the General Assembly, 1841, a memorial, numerously signed, was received from the town of Smithfield, asking for an addition to the number of her representatives in the legislature. Upon that memorial the House passed the following resolution:

Resolved, by the General Assembly, (the Senate concurring with the House of Representatives therein,) That the freemen of the several towns in this state, and of the city of Providence, qualified to vote for general officers, be, and they are hereby, requested to choose, at their semi-annual town or ward meetings in August next, so many delegates, and of like qualifications, as they are now respectively entitled to choose representatives to the General Assembly, to attend a convention to be holden at Providence on the first Monday of November, 1841, to frame a new constitution for this state, either in whole or in part, with full powers for this purpose; and if only for a constitution in part, that said convention have under their especial consideration the expediency of equalizing the representation of the towns in the House of Representatives.

It will be seen that none but qualified freemen were allowed to vote for delegates to that convention.

The action of the legislature upon that petition plainly showed a fixed determination to yield nothing to the people, and the friends of reform became

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