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pauper must receive it with all becoming humility. He is upbraided with his vices, reproached with his follies, and unfeelingly insulted by every purse-proud fool who may manage the concerns, or have the superintendence, of the poor. The black slave is compelled to labour; but he is destitute of care. He is not at liberty to change one service for another; but he may, by long and faithful adherence to his duty, secure the affections of his master, and, by assiduous attentions, conciliate his superiors. When he grows old or infirm, he is sure of being maintained, without having recourse to the tender mercies of a justice of the peace, overseer of the poor, or superintend. ent of a workhouse.

Is it not a little strange that the opulent man when he contributes his quota to the necessities of a wretch who has been, in every sense of the word, a slave to the community of the rich, considers himself as bestowing a charity; whereas the slaveholder considers himself bound in justice to support the blacks who are worn out in his service ?-. Is it not a little strange that we should hear men in the middle and northern states pour forth reproaches against their brethren to the southward for holding slaves, when they themselves are supported by the labour of slaves? - Thou hypocrite! first cast the beam out of thine own eye; and then thou shalt see clearly to cast the mote out of thy brother's eye.”—The Savage.

cili. Human Liberty. Liberty is a power to act, or not to act, according as the mind directs.—Locke.

Which amounts to no more than this : that, we have the liberty to act when we have the power. Is the will to

do a certain action the result of any previous circumstance? if so, the circumstance governs the will.-I. T.

civ.

Genius. Genius resembles a proud steed, that whilst he obeys the slightest touch of the kind hand of a master, revolts at the first indication of compulsion or restraint.--Life of Leo X.

cv. Slavery.—Slavery—but we will endeavour to discuss this subject without quoting the celebrated apostrophe of Sterne, or the no less celebrated verses of Cowper. Of what species of slavery shall we speak? “Shall we take notice of the servile condition of Asia; the drudgery of Europe; or the misfortunes of Africa ?

Men are prone to overlook things that are nigh; and fix their eyes on distant objects. They are afflicted by the distresses of those who groan under the rigour of foreign despotism; but, at the same time, they are busily employed in maturing the same sufferings for themselves and for their children.

The citizens of the United States lament, with the greatest apparent sensibility, the misfortunes, distresses, and grievances of poor, oppressed, enslaved Europeans; yet they, themselves, are every day hastening, to the extent of their abilities, the time when the people of America will be precisely in the situation of those whose affairs they now so feelingly deplore.

The condition of the labourers and peasantry in Europe is miserable enough; but there was a time when they were by no means so unfortunate. There was a time when, comparatively speaking, they were savages; when equality prevailed among the great body of the people ; when they were ignorant of the vices, luxuries, and dis. eases which have been introduced by the progress of civilization. But these times are changed. Commerce has spread her sails and visited the remotest corners of the earth. She has poured the diamonds of the east and the gold of the west into the bosom of Europe. She has erected magnificent cities; into which she has introduced luxury and pomp-wretchedness and want. She has established manufactories; which have been productive of riches and splendour-poverty, vice, and disease. Well: let the citizens of the United States extend their com. merce, and establish manufactories. What will be the consequence? Wealth, prosperity, luxury, magnificence -and all those other things which we have proved to be inseparable attendants on luxury and refinement. Do not extensive manufactories and wide-spreading commerce produce riches ? Does not the possession of riches confer power? . Is not slavery necessarily co-existent with power? If riches did not confer power on the possessor, they would cease to be an object of pursuit; they would be totally useless. If they do confer power they must necessarily impoverish others in the same proportion as they enrich the possessor. One wealthy man cannot render other men, equally wealthy with himself, subservient to his wishes; but let him increase his own wealth, and then he will be able to extend his influence over those who were formerly his equals; consequently they are impoverished in the same proportion that he is enriched. Every accession of wealth, therefore, to an individual in any com: munity is an accession of poverty or slavery to every other individual within the sphere of his influence. Why should

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we deplore the existence of that slavery in other parts of the world, which already exists among ourselves, and which we use every exertion within the limits of our power to bring to perfection ? Why should we possess resentment against an Asiatic or European despot for exercising that power which has fallen into his hands by a train of causes and effects, and yet express no disapprobation of the conduct of the wealthy man who uses, to the utmost, that influence which the possession of riches has given him over society? The rich man and the prince are equally culpable: there can be no more harm merely in the acquisition of a throne than there is in making a fortune: and a crown received by inheritance is as much the property of the possessor as an estate received by the death of the father is the property of the son. He, who sways the sceptre, exercises power; He, who uses the estate, exercises the power. The cases are in every re. spect similar: and if it be wrong to acquire a kingdom, it is wrong to accumulate money;. the object in both cases being precisely the same-power. The man who aspires to empire removes the obstacles that stand in his way; the man who would amass riches does the same. Villany is sometimes practised by the former, and sometimes by the latter. We grant that more evil is perpetrated by the great than by the little usurper; but if the pursuit of one be justifiable, so is that of the other.--The Savage.

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CVI. Inefficacy of Laws without Education.--Quid leges sine moribus vanæ proficient !" says Horace: and it is an exclamation that has, or might have, been made in all ages and nations of the world. We in England have an ecclesiastical, as well as civil establishment, for the secu

VOL. 1.–6

rity of good manners; but neither separately nor con. junctively have they ever effectually performed their busi. ness. The truth is, that this famed alliance between church and state hath not had the promotion of good manners for its object as much as might be wished, the parties having attended rather to the promotion of their respective rights and privileges. And hence, we are sorry to say, the terms of this alliance have been on both sides but ill observed; for, when either have prevailed over the other, there hath always been an end of the alliance.

But, suppose the balance of power to have been preserved between them, and that they had unanimously made good manners their object, yet neither would this have availed, without a previous attention to these man. ners by education and early discipline. Without education all the solemn pompous exterior of civil and ecclesiastical establishments, all the laws and ordinances upon earth will not be able, for any long time, to keep mankind in decency and order; experiencc has ever shown that manners as they degenerate, will sooner or later prevail against them. "The laws of education,” says Mon. tesquieu, “ are the first we receive, and should have respect to the principles and spirit of the government we live under; as they prepare us to be citizens, each individual family should be governed comformably with the plan which comprehends them all.”

It was on this article, that Plutarch so justly preferred Lycurgus to Numa; the latter having paid no attention to youth, in his system of legislation, but left them to be educated at random, and just as accident, or the caprice of parents might direct. And what powerful effects education wrought at Sparta, the long duration and history of its government sufficiently declare: “ Lacedamonit

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