CHAPTER CXLIII.

ALTHOUGH the force provided by Congress was less than Hamilton deemed necessary, yet these incipient measures, he felt assured, would vindicate the dignity of the American name, and form the groundwork of a system of defence, which might be sufficiently enlarged to secure the country from invasion. In the infant Navy, he saw the germ of a National Marine, which the interests, the habits, and the pride of the people would foster -a "Federal Navy" that would render the United States "the arbiter of Europe in America." *

The heart of the nation was warmed;-its passions were directed to the right point, and he breathed more freely in the belief that the Government would be sustained in every effort the public safety or honor might demand. How the Executive would fulfil the large confidence reposed in him by Congress was the problem now to be solved.

The Cabinet was determined to adhere to the neutral policy of the previous administration, to precipitate nothing, to keep open all the chances of peace, but not to permit the country to be humbled. In this sentiment there was entire concurrence among its members, but a

Federalist, No. xi., by Hamilton.

difference of opinion existed as to measures. Pickering and McHenry believed the national resources adequate to every emergency. Wolcott, more habituated to cautious detail, hesitated on this point. But strong as was the determination of the ministers, they had to contend with a stronger, but a fitful will-the will of Adams.

The circumstances under which this eccentric, wayward man assumed the government promised him little repose. His own character gave him less. That he could have doubted whether the great interests of this yet infant country were to be promoted by peace-that peace was not only important to the temporary happiness of the people, but to the safe development of their political institutions, and thus to their permanent welfare, can with difficulty be supposed. Yet, amid the controversies which had arisen with England, he was known to have indulged feelings, and heard to hazard opinions, which, if acted upon, must have resulted in war. Jefferson never forgot, Adams long remembered their unsuccessful mission to London. Had not France offered to the President an object of wrath, it might have been difficult to have restrained him from a conflict with her rival.

That Washington instituted the mission of Pinckney to France did not commend it to Adams. He did not value the still continuing influence of that venerated person as a support, but rather regarded it as a derogation from his own power. But these personal feelings gave place to resentment at the indignity offered to the country in the rejection of that mission. He hesitated, as has been seen, whether a new mission could be instituted without national debasement, and only surrendered this doubt to most cogent considerations.

The rejection of these envoys and the demand of tribute roused all his excitability. His impulsive temper

stimulated the people, and his answers to their Addresses left not a moment for their justly roused passions to subside.

"I thank you," he said, "for your declaration of unshaken confidence in the government, and for your advice, to be prepared with firmness to repel all attempts that are made against the peace, government, and dignity of the United States, but I know of no further measures that can be pursued to produce an amicable adjustment of differences with the French Republic."-"The delusions and misrepresentations which have misled so many citizens are very serious evils, and must 'be discountenanced by authority, as well as by the citizens at large, or they will soon produce all kinds of calamities in this country." "With you," he replied to another, "I clearly agree, that nothing further can be attempted, consistently with the maxims that constitute the basis of our National Sovereignty."-" Your approbation of the conduct of Government, and confidence in its authorities, are very acceptable. If the choice of the people will not defend their rightswho will?"—" To me there appears no mean of averting a storm, and, in my opinion, we must all be ready to dedicate ourselves to fatigues and dangers."—"In my opinion, as well as yours, there is no alternative between war and submission to the Executive of France."-"I am weary of enumerating insults and injuries."—"I believe with you that very few will be found so unworthy of the blessings they enjoy, as to espouse the unjust and arrogant pretensions of a foreign nation, yet we have found that a few venal presses and unprincipled mercenaries have been able to raise loud clamors, produce much discontent, and threaten serious calamities."-" Your confidence that I will not surrender the rights of the nation, shall not be betrayed. If the nation were capable of such a surrender, which it is not, some other hand must affix the signature to the ignominious deed."

The tone of these replies was high, but they were not all such as Hamilton could approve. In reference to one of them, he wrote to Wolcott:

"The answer from the President contains in the close a very indifferent passage. The sentiment is intemperate and revolutionary. It is not for us, particularly for the Government, to breathe an irregular or violent spirit. Hitherto, I have much liked the President's

answers, as, in the main, within proper bounds; and calculated to animate and raise the public mind. But there are limits which must not be passed; and from my knowledge of the ardor of the President's mind, and this specimen of the effects of that ardor, I begin to be apprehensive that he may run into indiscretion. This will do harm to the government, to the cause, and to himself. given, for we must commit no mistakes."

Some hint must be

He urged

Adams held the trumpet of the nation. them loudly to meet the emergency; but as to the great essential measures of defence, he had little steadfastness of purpose. The action of the Cabinet, and of Congress, is seen to have originated in Hamilton's suggestions.*

He remarked of him, that Adams "had no relative ideas." Hence all his movements were marked with precipitance or imbecility. The resolutions of the day were recalled by the doubts of the morrow-resumed, and again relinquished-prematurely urged, weakly abandoned. The maturest counsels were dashed by his imprudence, and his constitutional advisers were compelled to persuade to entreat-to implore-to do all-butconfidently advise.

Amid such a scene, Hamilton felt the necessity of again calling before the people that BEING in whom their affections and experience placed the largest confidence. His friendship for his toil-worn friend was overcome by what he believed was due to the imperious circumstances of the country. On the nineteenth of May previous to

"Such was the influence of Mr. Hamilton in Congress, that, without any recommendation from the President, they passed a bill to raise an army." Correspondence of Adams. Yet in his Speech of May 16, 1797, previously referred to, he says: "As our country is vulnerable in other interests besides those of its commerce, you will seriously deliberate, whether the means of general defence ought not to be increased by an addition to the regular artillery and cavalry, and by arrangements for forming a provisional army."

the passage of the Provisional army bill, he made the fol lowing appeal to WASHINGTON:

"My Dear Sir: At the present dangerous crisis of public affairs, I make no apology for troubling you with a political letter. Your impressions of our situation, I am persuaded, are not different from mine. There is certainly great probability that we may have to enter into a very serious struggle with France; and it is more and more evident, that the powerful faction which has for years opposed the Government is determined to go every length with France. I am sincere in declaring my full conviction, as the result of a long course of observation, that they are ready to new model our Constitution, under the influence or coercion of France; to form with her a perpetual alliance, offensive and defensive, and to give her a monopoly of our trade, by peculiar and exclusive privileges. This would be in substance, whatever it might be in name, to make this country a province of France. Neither do I doubt, that her standard, displayed in this country, would be directly or indirectly seconded by them, in pursuance of the project I have mentioned. It is painful and alarming to remark, that the opposition faction assumes so much a geographical complexion. As yet, from the South of Maryland, nothing has been heard, but accents of disapprobation of our Government, and approbation of, or apology for France. This is a most portentous symptom, and demands every human effort to change it.

"In such a state of public affairs, it is impossible not to look up to you, and to wish that your influence could in some proper mode be brought into direct action. Among the ideas which have passed through my mind for this purpose, I have asked myself, whether it might not be expedient for you to make a circuit through Virginia and North Carolina, under some pretence of health. This would call forth addresses, public dinners, &c., which would give you an opportunity of expressing sentiments in answers, toasts, &c., which would throw the weight of your character into the scale of the Government, and revive an enthusiasm for your person, that may be turned into the right channel.

"I am aware, that the step is delicate, and ought to be well considered before it is taken. I have even not settled my own opinion as to its propriety; but I have concluded to bring the general idea under your view, confident that your judgment will make a right choice, and