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for the benefit of the union. In pursuance of their instructions, the Maryland delegates proposed an amendment, vesting congress with power" to appoint commissioners, who should be fully authorized and empowered to ascertain and restrict the boundaries of such of the confederated states which claim to extend to the river Mississippi or south sea.”

On this interesting question the states were almost equally divided; Rhode Island, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware and Maryland, were in favor of the amendment, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Virginia, South Carolina and Georgia against it, and New York divided, the delegates from North Carolina not being present.

Massachusetts proposed that the rule for settling the proportion of taxes to be paid by each state, should be reconsidered, "so that the rule of apportionment might be varied from time to time, by congress, until experience shall have shown what rule of apportionment shall be most equal, and consequently most just."

This state also, recommended the reconsideration of the rule of apportioning the number of forces to be raised by each state on the requisition of congress.

These amendments were negatived; two states only voting for the first, and three for the second.

Rhode Island felt a strong interest in having a share in the western lands; she therefore proposed an amendment, providing "that all lands within those states, the property of which, before the present war, was vested in the crown of Great Britain, or out of which revenues from quit-rents arise payable to the said crown, shall be deemed, taken, and considered, as the property of these United States, and be disposed of and appropriated by congress, for the benefit of the whole confederacy, reserving, however, to the states within whose limits such crown lands may be, the entire and complete jurisdiction thereof.”

Connecticut not only recommended that the taxes to be paid by each state, should be in proportion to its number of inhabitants, instead of the value of its lands, but also the following limitation of the powers of the general government, in relation to a stand

ing army "Provided that no land army shall be kept up by the United States in time of peace, nor any officers or pensioners kept in pay by them, who are not in actual service, except such as are, or may be rendered unable to support themselves by wounds received in battle in the service of the said states, agreeably to the provisions already made by a resolution of congress.'

The most material amendment suggested by Pennsylvania, was, that the number of land forces to be furnished by each state, should be according to the whole number of inhabitants of every description, instead of the white inhabitants as provided in the articles.

South Carolina was jealous of the power conferred upon the general government, in relation to a military force. She proposed that "the troops to be raised should be deemed the troops of that state by which they are raised. The congress or grand council of the states may, when they think proper, make requisition of any state for two thirds of the troops to be raised, which requisition shall be binding upon the said states respectively; but the remaining third shall not be liable to be drawn out of the state, in which they are raised, without the consent of the executive authority of the same. When any forces are raised, they shall be under the command of the executive authority of the state in which they are so raised, unless they be joined by troops from any other state, in which case the congress or grand council of the states may appoint a general officer to take the command of the whole; and until the same can be done, the command shall be in the senior officer present, who shall be amenable for his conduct to the executive authority of the state in which the troops are, and shall be liable to be suspended thereby. The expenses of the troops so to be raised shall be defrayed by the state to which they belong; but when called into service by the United States, they shall be fed and paid at the expense of the United States."

South Carolina also suggested, that the lands and improvements thereon, should be valued by persons to be appointed by the legislatures of the respective. states, at least once in ten years,

and oftener, if required by congress; and that future alterations in the articles might be made, if agreed to by eleven states in congress, and afterwards confirmed by the legislatures of eleven

states.

Georgia was desirous that the colonies of East and West Florida, as well as Canada, should have the privilege of acceding to the confederacy, and proposed an amendment to that effect. The delegates from New Jersey, presented a representation on the subject of the union, from the legislature of that state, addressed to congress. This representation contained more just and enlightened views in relation to a federal compact, particularly as to the powers of congress, in regard to the trade of the United States, than generally prevailed at that period.

One of the objections made by this state was, that the general government was not vested with the sole and exclusive power of regulating commerce with foreign nations.

The remarks in this representation, concerning several of the articles, contain much sound political wisdom, and cannot fail to gratify the reader.

"1. In the fifth article," they say, "where, among other things, the qualifications of the delegates from the several states are described, there is no mention of any oath, test, or declaration, to be taken or made by them previous to their admission to seats in congress. It is indeed to be presumed the respective states will be careful that the delegates they send to assist in managing the the general interest of the union, take the oaths to the government from which they derive their authority, but as the United States, collectively considered, have interests, as well as each particular state, we are of opinion that some test or obligation binding upon each delegate while he continues in the trust, to consult and pursue the former as well as the latter, and particularly to assent to no vote or proceeding which may violate the general confederation, is necessary. The laws and usages of all civilized nations evince the propriety of an oath on such occasions; and the more solemn and important the deposit, the more strong and explicit ought the obligation to be.

"2. By the sixth and ninth articles, the regulation of trade seems to be committed to the several states within their separate jurisdictions, in such a degree as may involve many difficulties and embarrassments, and be attended with injustice to some states in the union. We are of opinion that the sole and exclusive power of regulating the trade of the United States with foreign nations ought to be clearly vested in the congress; and that the revenue arising from all duties and customs imposed thereon, ought to be appropriated to the building, equipping, and manning a navy for the protection of the trade and defense of the coasts, and to such other public and general purposes as to the congress shall seem proper, and for the common benefit of the states. This principle appears to us to be just; and it may be added, that a great security will by this means be derived to the union from the establishment of a common and mutual interest.

"3. It is wisely provided in the sixth article, that no body of forces shall be kept up by any state in time of peace, except such number only as, in the judgment of the United States in congress assembled, shall be deemed requisite to garrison the forts necessary for the defense of such state. We think it ought also to be provided and clearly expressed, that no body of troops be kept up by the United States in time of peace, except such number only as shall be allowed by the assent of nine states. A standing army, a military establishment, and every appendage thereof, in time of peace, is totally abhorrent from the ideas and principles of this state. In the memorable act of congress declaring the united colonies free and independent states, it is emphatically mentioned, as one of the causes of separation from Great Britain, that the sovereign thereof had kept up among us, in time of peace, standing armies without the consent of the legislatures. It is to be wished the liberties and happiness of the people may by the confederation be carefully and explicitly guarded in this respect.

"4. On the eighth article we observe, that as frequent settlements of the quotas for supplies and aids to be furnished by the several states in support of the general treasury, will be requisite,

so they ought to be secured. It cannot be thought improper, or unnecessary, to have them struck once at least in every five years, or oftener if circumstances will allow. The quantity or value of real property in some states may increase much more rapidly than in others; and therefore the quota which is at one time just, will at another be disproportionate.

"5. The boundaries and limits of each state ought to be fully and finally fixed and made known. This we apprehend would be attended with very salutary effects, by preventing jealousies, as well as controversies, and promoting harmony and confidence among the states. If the circumstances of the times would not admit of this, previous to the proposal of the confederation to the several states, the establishment of the principles upon which, and the rule and mode by which the determination might be conducted, at a time more convenient and favorable for despatching the same at an early period, not exceeding five years from the final ratification of the confederation, would be satisfactory.

"6. The ninth article provides, that no state shall be deprived of territory for the benefit of the United States. Whether we are to understand that by territory is intended any land, the property of which was heretofore vested in the crown of Great Britain, or that no mention of such land is made in the confederation, we are constrained to observe, that the present war, as we always apprehended, was undertaken for the general defense and interest of the confederating colonies, now the United States. It was ever the confident expectation of this state, that the benefits derived from a successful contest were to be general and proportionate; and that the property of the common enemy, falling in consequence of a prosperous issue of the war, would belong to the United States, and be appropriated to their use. We are therefore greatly disappointed in finding no provision made in the confederation for empowering the congress to dispose of such property, but especially the vacant and impatented lands, commonly called the crown lands, for defraying the expenses of the war, and for such other public and general purposes. The jurisdiction ought in every instance to belong to the respective states