true, as German propaganda maintains, that "deportations of unemployed Belgians into Germany have ceased;" it is also true that many of those deported have been returned. But the military authorities do not, apparently, consider themselves bound by any assurances given by the German civil authorities in Belgium, and large numbers of men and some women are being forcibly employed in the military zones extending for some miles behind the front. Not only residents of these regions are so employed, but thousands are brought from other parts of the country. They are employed almost exclusively upon works of direct military value to the enemy of their country, chiefly road-making and railroad construction. The pretense of finding work for the "unemployed" has been dropped, and the new deportations are, if anything, even more hostile than the earlier ones to the spirit and letter of international law.

WAR IN AN INDUSTRIAL DEMOCRACY

T was Major Higginson, of Boston-if memory serves us -who once spoke of Colonel Shaw and other New England friends of his youth that set off for the Civil war, never to come back. He used an imagery which was rich in suggestiveness of the days of chivalry and knightly adventure. "They tossed their lives in like a flower," he said.

wars.

Not only in its romantic quality, but in the homely, sober facts of war as we have come to know it in this twentieth century, is the phrase suggestive of another time. It was true of feudal times, when knights and their retainers set off for the Whatever befell, fiefs and communal lands remained, to provide for those left behind; harvests could be gathered by the old, the young and the women-folk. It was only less. true of agricultural society-and even in Civil war days, America was still largely a nation of farmers. Plantation and homestead remained and the slow-ripening course of the seasons. But it is the industrial democracies which are at war today; it is wage-earners who fill the ranks in larger and larger proportions; and if we were to recast Major Higginson's phrase, it would be not the bloom and foliage of our youth alone which must be pictured as tossed into the balance, but the tap roots of family life. When the modern breadWhen the modern breadwinner goes to war, his going cuts at the economic basis of subsistence more deeply than in the older societies. The tenement household has not within itself those reserves of capital, such as flocks or gardens or orchards, which knotted hands or young fingers can employ and so tide over the time while the man is at the front.

We are told that this is a war unlike other wars; and if we examine those factors which are set down as making it so, we shall see that each factor in its way adds to the stress upon the social and economic fabric which has been indicated. Now, as never before, nations are fighting-not through small expeditionary forces, but as nations. They are not sending merely the footloose and adventurous. They are going en masse. And while the present plan is for us to send at first younger men, without dependents, only those who take the optimistic short view of the war can regard that as our permanent relationship to it. While we may cling to the hope that the entry of the United States may lead to a swift release for the world from the conflict, either through decisive victory or through civil changes that will open the way for an enduring negotiated peace, we should in city and nation lay a frame

work of social effort that will stand the strain, meet the wastage and provide the succor for a prolonged struggle.

Again, in a recent interview, Orville Wright, the inventor of the aeroplane, pointed out that the mastery of the air had transformed war from the uncertainties of a struggle in the dark, in which a military genius might mass his forces and strike at the weak point of his adversary, to the deadly certainty of the trenches, stretching half-way across a continent. Every mobilization of men and material is known in advance to the other side, leading to counter mobilization. Thus war has become a matter of attrition, a slow breaking down of contingent after contingent. Thus, with nation mustered against nation, this unspectacular wastage of life and limb, such as the world has never known, brings as never before its tragedy and loss home to every neighborhood and crossroads of the countries at war.

So it comes about, at the threshold of our entry into the conflict, that we are called upon to apply social craftsmanship to working out some scheme making good the interrupted earnings of citizen soldiers and weaving a fabric of insurance against death and injury.

A first step has been taken-in lifting the pay of the men in the ranks from $15 to $30 a month-from the Civil war to the Canadian level.

A second step is the devising of an adequate system of separation allowance. Here, as Miss Reid of the Canadian Patriotic Fund pointed out, the English system is the bettera system which provides a sliding scale based on the number of dependents. The provision that it should hinge on the man's assigning at least half pay to his family is a wise one, and Canadian experience goes to show that the scale should be raised as the cost of living rises. The consensus of judgment among social workers at Pittsburgh was that, like compensation benefits, this provision for dependents should come as a right, unaffected by whether a man owned his house or was a renter, or whether there were other sources of family income.

Beyond this base load-as Mr. Wadsworth aptly called it— lie all those emergencies of every-day living and household distress, which can best be met through voluntary organization, centralized under the civilian branch of the Red Cross.

There remains the question of pensions for men disabled or the families of men killed. Here, it cannot be too strongly urged, the insurance principle should be employed. The United States government has already provided a system for ships and men in the merchant marine, and Secretary McAdoo has called into conference insurance experts to discuss its adaptation to soldiers and sailors. An adequate, carefully devised public insurance scheme put into operation now would remove the uncertainty which hangs over the future for man and family and perhaps, as in compensation for industrial death and injury, stave off the possibility of a never-ending succession of flat-rate increases and special grants. At a time when private insurance companies are increasing their rates because of war risks, the government could establish a certain minimum as a soldier's right, and permit him to take out additional insurance at low rates. And it could conceivably be later adjusted so that if he survived he could continue the insurance in the years to come.

The Council of National Defense could not have put the drafting of a broad-gauge program in better hands than those of Judge Julian W. Mack.

JUDGE MACK TO REPORT ON ALLOWANCES

JUDO

JUDGE JULIAN W. MACK has been appointed by Samuel Gompers, of the executive committee of the Committee on Labor of the Council of National Defense, as chairman of a committee to draft legislation to provide compensation to disabled soldiers and sailors, pensions for their widows and dependents, and separation allowances for their dependents.

In accordance with a new policy of the council, to appoint one man to handle each particular problem, Judge Mack will have behind him no real committee; he may secure as many advisers as he pleases, but his will be the responsibility for the program he reports. The title is Section on Compensation for Soldiers, Sailors and Their Dependents under the activities of the Committee on Welfare Work.

This program has been undertaken on the understanding, suggested by Director Gifford of the council, that nothing will be entered upon by it which is not directly concerned with the winning of the war. Judge Mack, addressing the executive committee, declared that to win the war the men must be relieved from worry as to the possible destitution of their families and the families must be free from the same worry, so that they may enthusiastically support the recruiting, conscription and taxation that will fall upon the country. Said Judge Mack:

What is it that this government ought, in justice, to do for these men? Well, in the first place, we have reached at the present stage of our conceptions of social and industrial justice, the stage of the workmen's compensation act, the stage of the mothers' pension legislation. In other words, we have reached the conception that even private industry must bear the accidents that are necessarily incident to the conduct of the busi

ness.

Of course, from the purely industrial standpoint, the government ought to do at least what private industry is compelled to do for its workmen who are injured or killed in industry. That means that there would be involved a study of current thought as developed in the workmen's compensation acts, federal and state, in order to get at

the prevailing conception of what is just, and then it should be considered that this service is in many respects different from private industrial service, in that it either is worse pay or better pay; in that it is not voluntary, but, under our present law, drafted

or conscripted; and again there should be taken into consideration the wealth and the power and the ability of the government, as distinguished from the private manufacturer, to bear the burdens incident to the occupation of the soldier and sailor.

That would involve, of course, compensation for injury and compensation for death, and that compensation should go to the family. The question of just how it should be divided is another question that the workman's compensation acts suggest. In some of the states a lump sum is given; in some of the states wiser appropriations are made, in monthly and quarterly allowances to widows and orphans-to orphans until they have become self-supporting--and amounts are to be paid proportioned to the family, and not merely to the man himself and his position in the industry.

These are all questions that require very careful but very prompt consideration and study.

And, entirely apart from what may happen to the soldier in the way of injury, dissease or death as incident to his occupation, comes the question of what is going to happen to his family from the mere separation, and that involves the question of separation allowance.

It would be the height of folly to start out with any such thought as that, because in our law exemption is given to the men who have people dependent upon them, we are not going to have the problem of the need of separation allowances in some form; that we are not going to have the problem of the need of the family because of the separation of the head right from the start; because we have got it already. . . .

Again, that ought to be a matter of justice and not of charity; that ought to be a matter of the government giving the proper sort of allowance, either by deduction from the pay of the soldier or by supplementing the pay of the soldier; and the problem as to just which is the wisest thing and under what circumstances any additional allowance should be made, whether as in one bill now before the assembly it should be the general allowance to everybody, or whether it should be an allowance dependent upon the circumstances-these are problems to be considered. . .

As a part of that problem goes the rehabilitation of the soldier, because, if he is wanted in the service of his country, it is just as much the country's duty to make a man of him again and put him on his feet, purely from the humanitarian standpoint, as it is to make provision in case he dies; but

still more important, apart from the humanitarian standpoint, from the standpoint of the country at large, to avoid a condition of beggary and destitution. It is of the utmost importance as stated here by Dr. Devine that every one of these returned partially-disabled soldiers shall be made as complete men as it is possible to make them. That entire problem of rehabilitation and re-education ought not to be solely a question of Red Cross or private philanthropy, but ought to be in the main a government problem.

Of course, all of these matters, while governmental in a strict sense, and while primarily a matter of government allowance and government pay, as a matter of justice, will necessarily be supplemented by Red Cross and philanthropic activities, because the government can really do only the fi nancial part. There comes into play, in the consideration of the separated family, that intense personal service that only the community and the personal service of the philanthropic agencies of the local community can give.

...

The problem that must be considered, is, to sum up, this: A determination of separation allowances and the method and amount; a determination of the grant to be made for disability of each and every kind, and for death; the determination of methods of rehabilitation.

Of course that involves the entire question of insurance. First, it is advisable that there should be a definite, fixed sum for everybody, regardless of anything and everything else. And certainly the United States governernment, either out of its own funds or by the payment of insurance premiums to private insurance companies, should provide for the possibility of the soldiers and sailors securing additional insurance-insurance in the strict sense of the word-inasmuch as today private companies cannot in justice to their present policyholders insure the lives of these extra hazardous risks except at what would seem to all of us a very exorbitant premium. Is it the part of the federal government to pay that additional premium, or to provide some bureau by which this extraordinary risk should be cared for as a government matter?

The real question is that if legislation of this kind, embracing all of these matters, is to be studied and studied promptly and then put through an enactment, after having been approved by the Council of National Defense, how can it best be done, and how done in such a way that the soldier, when recruited, and his family, knows that while he is going to serve his country, his country is going to serve him.

Judge Mack commented upon the announcement by Secretary of the Treas

ury McAdoo of a conference, called by the latter, with the insurance men of the country, to discuss the insurance of the soldiers and sailors. He said that over a month ago an elaborate report on this very subject was made to the Council of National Defense at the council's direction. This evident confusion, he believed, showed the need for considering the entire problem as a whole.

Since this discussion took place, the Treasury Department and the committee have reached a basis of common understanding and will cooperate in the study of the insurance problem.

At a meeting of insurance men with Mr. McAdoo on July 2, the government was strongly urged to create a bureau to carry its own insurance.

FRIENDS OF THE GERMAN REPUBLIC

HERMA

ERMANN FERNAU'S pamphlet entitled, Gerade weil ich Deutscher bin! (Just because I am German), a reply to the widely read. book, J'accuse, has just seen its third edition in Zurich and has been translated and published in the United States, France, England and Holland. It was the first evidence that intelligent discussion of the origin and aims of the present war still exists in Germany and it has been followed by a number of smaller publications emanating from Switzerland and indicating the rumblings of a revolutionary storm which has its center in the heart of Germany.

One of these publications, entitled Peace?, and signed "A German," openly accuses the imperial government of a conspiracy to deceive the people. Who Governs Germany at Present? is one of its captions, and the reply is: "The Junkers, the big industrialists, the PanGermans, the annexationists, briefly the war party. They do not reign without opposition, but they reign. Not the moral code of Kant or the pure humanity of Goethe, but domination and expansion are the loadstars of those who govern Germany."

Referring to the peace propaganda of these circles, the author says: "Even more than Germany's enemies has the German people to fear such a peace. For, it would mean for the people the triumph of reaction, and a hopeless absolute government by the Junkers and war-makers. For decades the German people would have to lead a sad, unfree existence under the whip of the military

Has Lit the Torch of War? Leaves for Truth-Seekers, Published by a German, periodically continues this revolutionary propaganda. One of the numbers, under the caption: Our Aim in War: a Free German People, proves by extracts from Vorwaerts in the last days of July, 1914, that the culpability of the imperial government was at that time well understood by the leaders of democratic thought.

The echo of this revolutionary movement in this country so far has been weak and spasmodic. But there has now been formed in New York a society of the Friends of the German Republic, and similar organizations are in process of formation in other American cities. The provisional committee of the New York society are J. Koettgen, chairman and organizing secretary; Mary Ritter Beard, treasurer, and William E. Bohn, secretary.

Its purpose is "the support

of the elements in Germany striving for the establishment of a German republic."

In order to disarm the possible criticism that this movement is engineered by Germany's enemies, active membership has been restricted to persons of German birth or descent, while members of any nationality may become honorary members. A preliminary appeal issued through the press has brought hundreds of letters from every part of the country enthusiastically supporting the movement. As soon as arrangements can be made, a convention will be held for permanent organization.

An appeal issued by the society warns against taking too seriously the present talk of constitutional reforms in Germany. "Such discussions crop up regularly whenever the German ruling class finds itself in a tight corner. . . . Idle words which the people are not likely to believe." The republican movement is spreading, not merely or even predominantly among social democrats, but among all classes and members of a number of political parties. In this country, many of its supporters are the children of men who were driven here by the unsuccessful revolution of 1848.

One of the few remaining revolutionary veterans of that time writes: "As one who fought in 1848, it is my most fervent wish to hail before my death a German republic, and to know all Germans free from the fetters of bondage."

TO KEEP THE UNIFORM
UNSPOTTED

T a recent mass meeting of stu

camarilla, in a state of siege, of 'pro-As of the University of Minne

tective' imprisonment, enslaved in soul. and body to the Junkers of field and factory." And the prophecy is made that in the end the "holy anger" of the masses, now directed by misrepresentation against foreign enemies, will set flame to the whole structure of German government and social organization.

A series of bulletins, entitled, Who

sota, 400 senior engineers unanimously adopted the following resolution:

We stand to respond to the call of the country in ready and willing service; we undertake to maintain our part of the war free from hatred, brutality or graft, true to the American purpose and ideals; aware of the temptations incident to camp life and the moral and social wreckage involved, we

covenant together, as college men, to live the clean life and to seek to establish the American uniform as a symbol and guarantee of real manhood.

Students in the schools of medicine, pharmacy and dentistry to the number of 450 adopted the resolution of the en

gineers and specifically pledged themselves as their contribution toward that end:

1. To enlighten men regarding the dangers of impure living and to do our share in maintaining wholesome moral conditions.

2. We register our commendation of the stand taken by the Council of National Defense that "continence is compatible with health," and placing alcoholic beverages under strict control and in creating moral zones around American troops.

3. Convinced, in view of a possible world famine, that it is immoral and absurd to waste approximately a sixth of our food cereals in the manufacture of intoxicants, we appeal to the President of the United States and to Congress to establish entire prohibition as a war measure.

FOR A CIVILIAN SANITARY RESERVE

THE Senate has passed the joint res

olution number 63 establishing a reserve of the Public Health Service. It allows the appointment by the President, at a time of national emergency, of trained non-medical sanitarianssanitary engineers, chemists, bacteriologists, etc.-who otherwise would not be available for such duty on a federal basis, and brings the entire civilian health activity into close relation with the federal government.

Reporting for the Senate Committee on Public Health, Senator Ransdell explained that the purpose of the proposed legislation was to create machinery whereby the government could check civilian epidemics that threaten to spread to the armed forces; to increase the means of procuring sickness reports; to insure federal supervision of sanitation; and to maintain and correlate civilian health institutions.

The Public Health Service is at present too small to cover the entire field, said Senator Ransdell, in showing the necessity for this legislation; state health agencies have no authority outside their own states and should therefore be enabled to work together as a part of the national health machinery for maintaining civilian health-a matter of great importance for military reasons, as well as others. By the terms of this joint resolution, an organization would be effected which would be not only elastic, since the needed number of sanitarians might be drawn immediately from health departments or from schools of public health, but also economical, since the organization would be reduced at once when the necessity for its service passed, he said. It would not interfere with military service, since it does. not exempt these men from such service, but only coordinates them with the

Public Health Service while they are on a civilian status. The value of such a plan for the protection of the general public health was also indicated. By thus protecting the zones about training camps the civil population would be saved from infection from possible outbreaks of disease within the camps quite as surely as the troops from infections in civilian circles.

The proposed legislation has the approval of the Council of National Defense, the Conference of State and Provincial Health Officers and the Conference of State and Territorial Health Authorities with the Public Health Service. The resolution is now before the House.

COOLIE LABOR OR HIGHER FARM WAGES

HE suggestion made by chambers

associations that oriental labor be used on farms to replace men of draft age has stirred California. John P. McLaughlin, commissioner of labor, has issued a statement placing the blame for any scarcity of farm hands squarely on the low wages paid agricultural help and the common lack of proper working, housing and living conditions on farms.

"The answer to the farm labor problem," says Mr. McLaughlin, "is simple. Pay the laborer adequate wages and give him working and living conditions fit for human beings."

The experience of the California public employment bureaus, at which over 1,000 men are applying each day, has shown that wherever a farmer offers a proper wage for labor, there is no difficulty in filling the job. The difficulty lies in the fact that most farmers are offering only the same wages as were paid fifteen and twenty years ago, whereas pay has increased constantly in factories and commercial establishments. Investigations of the bureau also bring out that over 60 per cent of farm laborers are not furnished board. Many are obliged to use the haystack or the ground for beds and to do their own cooking.

Commissioner McLaughlin points out that probably California's proportion of the draft will not exceed 18,000 men and, furthermore, that men employed in agricultural pursuits may be exempted. For the reduction in the farm labor supply due to enlistment or to shifting into other industries, a force of 40,000 boys attending high school, academies and colleges is available. Moreover, in addition to this untapped resource and to the effect of decent pay

The Weight of War

The heavy hand of war has disturbed the balance between supply and demand the world over. Our problem of serving the public has all at once assumed a new and weightier aspect.

Extraordinary demands on telephone service by the Government have been made and are being met. Equipment must be provided for the great training camps, the coastdefense stations must be linked together by means of communication, and the facilities perfected to put the Government in touch with the entire country at a moment's notice.

In planning for additions to the plant of the Bell System for 1917, one hundred and thirty millions of dollars were apportioned. This is

by far the largest program ever undertaken.

But the cost of raw materials has doubled in a year. Adequate supplies of copper, lead, wire, steel and other essentials of new equipment are becoming harder to get at any price, for the demands of war must be met.

Under the pressure of business incident to war, the telephone-using public must co-operate in order that our new plans to meet the extraordinary growth in telephone stations and traffic may be made adequate.

The elimination of unnecessary telephone calls is a patriotic duty just as is the elimination of all waste at such a time. Your Government must have a "clear talk track."

of time by farm hands roving from place 000,000 in accordance with an act of to place in search of work.

Commissioner McLaughlin recommends the better mobilization of farm labor by cooperation between employer and state, federal and municipal bureaus.

CHICAGO'S FIRST FOREST
PRESERVE

labor, the commissioner believes that another and equally important way in which to insure the harvesting of crops is to eliminate the immense waste in loss

been

and Cook county have

plans for forest preserves to constitute the circle of outer belt parks. The referendum vote for a bond issue of $3,

the legislature enabling Cook county to issue $11,000,000 worth of bonds for the purpose, has been made effective by decision of the Supreme Court, upholding the validity of the act. It is expected that the forest preserve district. commissioners will thus be enabled to purchase about 35,000 acres, including most of the woodland left in the county. Nearly 3,000 acres have already been bought for $838,000 and on June 16 Forest Preserve No. 1 was formally dedicated to the people's use