go with Pennsylvania, but on account of his ulterior political prospects; declaring that he (Mr. B.) hoped one day to see Mr. Clay president of the United States; and that was another reason why he should like to see him secretary of state in case Gen. Jackson was elected; and that if he was certain that Mr. Clay's views were favorable to Gen. Jackson's election, he would take an opportunity of talking to the general on the subject, or to get Mr. Eaton to do so; that he thought by doing so, he would confer a particular benefit on his country, and that he could sce nothing wrong in it."

Mr. Markley says, that, at the request of Mr. Buchanan, he agreed to call on Mr. Clay; but having no favorable opportunity of presenting this subject to him, he had not ascertained which candidate he would support. He says in his letter: "I have no recollection whatever of having urged Mr. B. to see Gen. Jackson, although I concurred in the propriety of his suggestion that he should call to see him; nor have I the faintest recollection of any thing being said about fighting Mr. Adams' friends with their own weapons. If any such expressions were used I am very certain it was not by me. From the recollection I have of the conversation to which Mr. B. has reference, in his letter to the public of the 8th of August last, my impressions are, that the object of his visit that evening, was to urge the propriety of my seeing Mr. Clay, and give him my views of the importance of identifying himself with Pennsylvania in support of Gen. Jackson. I entertained no doubt, that Mr. Buchanan was honestly determined, that no exertions on his part should be wanting, and that he felt confident he could speak with certainty as to the great mass of Gen. Jackson's friends, that in case of his election, they would press upon him the appointment of Mr. Clay as secretary of state.

"Mr. Buchanan concurred with me in opinion, that Pennsylvania would prefer Mr. Clay's appointment to that of any other person as secretary of state; and from the obligations the general was under to Pennsylvania, that he would go far to gratify her wishes; and that therefore he believed the general, if elected, would appoint Mr. Clay.”

The controversy was continued by letters from several other gentlemen, but without essentially changing the aspect of the affair.

In December, 1827, Mr. Clay again appeared before the public in "An address containing certain testimonials in refutation of the charges against him, made by Gen. Andrew Jackson, touching the last presidential election.” Mr. Clay presents the letters of twenty different members of congress, embracing all his friends from the western states who voted for Mr. Adams; and all concur in denying any knowledge of any overture or proposition of the kind mentioned by Gen. Jackson. And

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as Mr. Clay's alleged concealment of his intention to vote for Mr. Adams, until within a few days of the election in the house of representatives, had often been mentioned as a ground for suspicion of a bargain, he adds the letters of several individuals, among whom are John J. Crittenden, James Barbour, and Gen. La Fayettte, (then in this country,) showing that, to all of them, he had, at different times, extending back to an early day in October, declared either his preferences for Mr. Adams, as between him and Gen. Jackson, or his intention to vote for the former. Soon after, letter to the same effect from Thomas H. Benton was published.

The only additional testimony we will add, are the declarations of Mr. Adams himself. A few days after the close of his official term, in answer to a letter from a committee appointed by a large meeting of citizens in the state of New Jersey, expressing their approval of his administration, and their regret that he had not been continued in office, Mr. Adams made this solemn asseveration: "Before you, my fellow-citizens, in the presence of our country, and of Heaven, I pronounce that charge totally unfounded.” And again, on a subsequent occasion, a few years before his death, in an address to a large assembly of his fellow-citizens, he repeated, in substance, this solemn asseveration.

The views of Gen. Jackson on the protection of domestic industry, expressed in his letter to Dr. Coleman, in 1824, and his support, in the senate of the United States, of the tariff act of that year, had placed him, in the public estimation, among the advocates of a high protective tariff. The indications, however, of his receiving, at the approaching election, the almost unanimous support of the southern states, caused suspicion on the part of some of his northern friends, as to his policy on this subject, in case of his election.

In January, 1828, the senate of Indiana, after setting forth, in a preamble, that Gen. Jackson's friends in the western states advocated his election on the ground of his being friendly to internal improvements and to a tariff for the protection of American manufactures; and that in the southern states his election was advocated on account of his oppo. sition to these measures; in order to ascertain his real sentiments, that they might vote understandingly at the next presidential election, the senate passed the following resolution :

“Resolved, That his excellency the governor be requested to address a respectful letter to general Andrew Jackson, inviting him to state explicitly, whether he favors that construction of the constitution which authorizes congress to appropriate money for making internal improvement in the several states; and whether he is in favor of such a system of protective duties for the benefit of American manufactures as will, in all cases where the raw material, and the ability to manufacture it, exist in our country, secure the patronage to our own manufactures, to the exclusion of those of foreign countries; and whether, if elected president of the United States, he will, in his public capacity, recommend, foster, and support the American systein."

This resolution was accordingly communicated by Gov. Ray, who received from the general the following letter :

" HERMITAGE, February 28, 1828. "Sir : I have had the honor to receive your excellency's letter of the 30th ultimo, inclosing resolutions of the senate of Indiana, adopted, as it appears, with a view of ascertaining my opinions on certain political topics. The respect which I entertain for the executive and senate of your state, excludes from my mind the idea that an unfriendly disposition dictated the interrogatories which are proposed. But I will confess my regret at being forced, by this sentiment, to depart, in the smallest degree, from the determination on which I have always acted. Not, sir, that I would wish to conceal my opinions from the people upon any political or national subjects; but as they were in various ways promulgated in 1824, I am apprehensive that my appearance before the public, at this time, may be attributed, as has already been the case, to improper motives.

“ With these remarks, I pray you, sir, respectfully to state to the senate of Indiana, that my opinions, at present, are precisely what they were in 1823 and '24, when they were communicated, by letter, to Dr. Coleman, of North Carolina, and when I voted for the present tariff and appropriations for internal improvement. As that letter was written at a time when the divisions of sentiment on this subject were as strongly marked as they now are, in relation both to the expediency and constitutionality of the system, it is inclosed herein; and I beg the favor of your excellency to consider it a part of this communication. The occasion out of which it arose, was embraced with a hope of preventing any doubt, misconstruction, or any further inquiry respecting my opinion on the subjects to which you refer—particularly in those states which you have designated as cherishing a policy at variance with your own. To preserve our invaluable constitution, and to be prepared to repel the invasions of a foreign foe, by the practice of economy, and the cultivation, within ourselves, of the means of national defense and independence, should be, it seems to me, the leading objects of any system that aspires to the name of American,' and of every prudent administration of our government. " I trust, sir, that these general views, taken in connection with the letter inclosed, and the votes referred to, will be received as a sufficient answer to the inquiries suggested by the resolutions of the senate. I will further observe to your excellency, that my views of constitutional power and American policy, were imbibed, in no small degree, in the times and from the sages of the revolution; and that my experience has not disposed me to forget their lessons: and, in conclusion, I will repeat, that my opinions remain as they existed in 1823 and '4, uninfluenced by the hopes of personal aggrandizement; and that I am sure they will never deprive me of the proud satisfaction of having always been a sincere and consistent republican.

“I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your most obedient servant,

ANDREW JACKSON."

The letter to Dr. Çoleman was written when he was the first time a candidate for the presidency, and dated at Washington, April 26, 1824. It was published in the Raleigh (N. C.) Star. As this letter is often referred to in order to show the opinions of Gen. Jackson on the much controverted questions to which it relates, and as his political opinions were, and still are held in high estimation by a large portion of the American people, it is deemed proper to insert here copious extracts from the letter:

“You ask my opinion on the tariff. I answer, that I am in favor of a judicious examination and revision of it, and so far as the tariff bill before us embraces the design of fostering, protecting, and preserving within ourselves the means of national defense and independence, particularly in a state of war, I would advocate and support it. The experience of the late war ought to teach us a lesson, and one never to be forgotten. If our liberty and republican form of government, procured for us by our revolutionary fathers, are worth the blood and treasure at which they were obtained, it surely is our duty to protect and defend them.

Heaven smiled upon, and gave us liberty and independence. That same Providence has blessed us with the means of national independence and national defense. If we omit or refuse to use the gifts which he has extended to us, we deserve not the continuation of his blessings. He has filled our mountains and our plains with minerals with lead, iron, and copper; and given us climate and soil for the growing of hemp and wool. These being the grand materials of our national defense, they ought to have extended to them adequate and fair protection, that our own manufactories and laborers may be placed on a fair competition with those of Europe, and that we may have, within our country, a supply of those leading and important articles, so essential in

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This tariff—I mean a judicious one-possesses more fanciful than real danger. I will ask, what is the real situation of the agriculturalist? Where has the American farmer a market for his surplus products ? Except for cotton, he has neither a foreign or home market. Does not this clearly prove, when there is no market either at home or abroad, that there is too much labor employed in agriculture; and that the channels for labor should be multiplied ? Common sense, at once, points out the remedy. Draw from agriculture this superabundant labor; employ it in mechanism and manufactures; thereby creating a home market for your bread stuffs, and distributing labor to the most profitable account; and benefits to the country will result. Take from agriculture in the United States, six hundred thousand men, women and children, and you will at once give a home market for more bread stuffs than all Europe now furnishes us. In short, sir, we have been too long subject to the policy of the British merchants. It is time that we should become a little more Americanized; and, instead of feeding the paupers and laborers of England, feed our own; or else, in a short time, by continuing our present policy, we shall all be rendered paupers ourselves.

“ It is, therefore, my opinion, that a careful and judicious tariff is much wanted, to pay our national debt, and afford us the means of that defense within ourselves, on which the safety of our country and liberty depends; and last, though not least, give a proper distribution to our labor, which must prove beneficial to the happiness, independence and wealth of the community.

“This is a short outline of my opinions, generally, on the subject of your inquiry; and believing them correct, and calculated to further the prosperity and happiness of my country, I declare to you, I would not barter them for any office or situation of a temporal character, that could be given me."

These sentiments were, in 1828, common to very large majorities in the eastern, middle, and western states; and but for the declarations of Gen. Jackson on the subject, he would probably have failed of an election.

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CHAPTER XXXI.

THE

WOOLENS BILL. -HARRISBURG CONVENTION.--TARIFF

OF 1828.

At an early period of the session of 1826-27, a bill was introduced proposing to increase the duty on wool and woolen manufactures, Immediately after the passage of the act of 1824, the English prosecu