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life on the several fields of battle, though great, was far exceeded by death from sickness. Such was the mortality among our troops, that almost whole companies were cut down by disease. The expenses of the war, though comparatively a minor consideration, were enormous, the most extravagant prices having been paid for almost every thing hired or purchased. The painful rupture of the domestic relationsthe sorrows and sufferings of widowhood and orphanage—the demoralizing effects upon society-all of which are the inseparable concomitants of war, are evils of incalculably greater magnitude, which find no equivalent in any mere territorial acquisition.

On the fourth of August, 1846, the president sent to the senate a confidential message, informing that body that he had resolved on making proposals for opening a negotiation with Mexico—a letter containing such overture being already on the way to that country-and asking of congress an appropriation of money to aid him in negotiating a peace. The object of the money was the purchase of Mexican territory, if the same should be deemed expedient. A bill for appropriating two millions of dollars for this purpose, was introduced in the house of representatives. In the rapid progress of this bill towards its consummation, Mr. Wilmot, of Pennsylvania, moved a proviso, which was carried, declaring, that, as a condition to the acquisition of any territory from Mexico, by virtue of any treaty that might be negotiated, slavery should never exist in any part of the said territory. This amendment induced many of its friends to vote against the bill, which was passed, notwithstanding, by a majority of six votes, and sent to the senate on Saturday night, (August 11,) but too late to be acted upon that night.

Before the bill came up in the senate on Monday, the plan was said to have been formed of introducing the appropriation, freed from Mr. Wilmot's proviso, as an amendment to the civil appropriation bill; but the design was abandoned from an apprehension that it would cause the loss of the whole mass of appropriations for the support of the govern. ment. The bill, as it came from the house, was taken up about twenty minutes before twelve o'clock, the hour fixed for closing the legislative session. In the midst of the debate, when, as was supposed, there remained yet ten minutes to dispose of the question, the house, whose clock was ten minutes faster than that of the senate, was adjourned by the speaker; and the action of the senate was abruptly terminated. Thus was lost the proposition for money to buy territory and a peace from Mexico. From the introduction of the anti-slavery provision of this bill, is derived the familiar title of the “ Wilmot proviso,” which has since been so generally applied to similar provisions. It is substantially the same as the proviso in the celebrated ordinance of 1787, prohibiting slavery in the territory north-west of the Ohio.

During the interval between the adjourument of congress in August, and its reässembling in December, nothing occurred to change essentially the aspect of our relations with Mexico. The commerce of Great Britain had been materially affected by the war between the United States and Mexico. Her annual export trade to the latter country amounted to $5,000,000. British capitalists also had $10,000,000 invested in the mines of Mexico; and the public debt of Mexico to Great Britain was about the same amount. Deeply solicitous, therefore, for the restoration of peace between the two American republics, the British government had twice during the summer offered to mediate. The first of these offers having been made before the settlement of the Oregon controversy, and Great Britain, consequently being herself sensible that she did not occupy the position of unbiased impartiality, the offer was merely to the effect, that, if the United States were disposed to accept the mediation, it would be tendered. Subsequently, the Oregon question having been settled, an explicit offer was made, which, however, was not favorably received by our government.

The 29th congress reässembled on the 7th of December, 1846. The major part of the president's message was devoted to a detailed history of our difficulties with Mexico. He recapitulated the wrongs committed by Mexico, and the causes of the war; declared its justice on the part of the United States; our disposition to peace and harmony, and our right to annex Texas; and he repeated the charge against Mexico of having invaded our soil. As the truth of this charge depended, of course, upon the validity of the claim of Texas to all the territory east of the Rio Grande, he asserted the justice of that claim, in opposition to Messrs. Benton, Wright, Adams, and others. He founded this assertion upon the acknowledged fact, that Louisiana, as acquired in 1803, extended to that river, and upon the assumption of what was by them denied, that Texas extended to the western boundary of ancient Louisiana ; it being beyond dispute, that Texas had never exercised any jurisdiction whatever, over the inhabitants in the valley of the Rio Grande. He also mentioned the non-acceptance of the offers of our government to negotiate peace, and the continued refusal to receive a minister from the United States.

As one of the evidences of the independence of Texas, the president referred to the treaty made with Texan authorities by Santa Anna, in 1836, when prisoner of war, in which he acknowledged the independence of Texas. The allegation that, in the condition of a prisoner, he was incapable of making a treaty binding upon his government, and the fact that the act was disavowed by that government, the president seemed to think were countervailed by the facts, that he had been defeated in his

attempt to conquer Texas; that his authority had not been revoked; and that by virtue of this treaty he had obtained his release, and hostili. ties had been suspended.

Santa Anna, who had been expelled from power and banished by a revolution in 1844, was an exile in Cuba when the war commenced. He had subsequently been permitted, by the authority of Mr. Polk, to pass the blockade, and return to Mexico, where, it was apprehended, he would be again found in command of the Mexican army. The president, having been censured by the opposition for this act, he offered, in justification, that there was no prospect of a pacific adjustment with the goờernment of Paredes; that there were symptoms of a new revolution in Mexico; that there was a large party in favor of Santa Anna, who had professed to entertain views favorable to the United States, and with whom it was probable a settlement of difficulties might be effected. For these reasons he had permitted his return to Mexico.

Santa Anna arrived at the city of Mexico the 15th of September. The revolution had already taken place. The offer of the supreme executive power was at once made to him on the part of the provisional government organized by General Salas, after the fall of Paredes. Santa Anna declined the offer of the civil supremacy, but assumed the military command, declaring that he would “die fighting the perfidious enemy, or lead the Mexicans to victory." Near the close of the year, he was elected provisional president. In a correspondence with Gen. Taylor, he declared that Mexico would not listen to overtures of peace, unless the national territory should be first evacuated by our forces, and our vessels of war withdrawn from their hostile attitude.

A bill was passed, authorizing the issue of treasury notes and the negotiation of a loan or loans, to the amount -of $28,000,000. A bill was also introduced for an appropriation of $3,000,000, for the same purpose as that of the preceding session for $2,000,000, to which the Wilmot proviso had been attached, and which had been lost. Before the passage of the bill, Mr. Hamlin, of Ohio, moved the “ Wilmot proviso” as an amendment. This proviso, after an unsuccessful motion of Mr. Douglas to amend by probibiting slavery in acquired territory north of 36 deg. 30 min., was adopted, 110 to 89. The bill finally passed the house, 115 to 110. A similar bill was also reported in the senate,

A in which body the “Wilmot proviso,” moved by Mr. Upham, of Vermont, was rejected, 21 to 31; and the bill was passed, (March 1,) 29 to 24. The bill was sent to the house of representatives, where it was taken up the last day of the session, (March 3,) and, on motion of Mr. Wilmot, amended in committee of the whole, by the adoption of the anti-slavery proviso, 90 to 80, and so reported to the house. But the

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house disagreed to the report of the committee of the whole, 97 to 102, and the bill was finally passed by the house without the proviso, 115 to 81.

In the senate, the debate on the three million bill was one of more than ordinary interest. It was animated and protracted, and was participated in by a large number of the senators. The whole war question was reviewed. A somewhat sharp collision took place between Mr. Cal. houn and Mr. Benton, who differed in relation both to the objects of the war, and the manner in which it should in future be conducted. Mr. Benton urged the plan of the administration, which contemplated a vigorous prosecution of offensive war, and an effort, after reducing Vera Cruz, to penetrate the country to the city of Mexico. Mr. Calhoun's plan, (previously suggested by Mr. Berrien,) was to take and hold the Mexican posts, assume a line of boundary on which we would be content to settle all difficulties, retire our forces to that line, and defend all within that boundary, until Mexico should be willing to make peace by conceding to those limits; her posts to be then relinquished.

Mr. Calhoun, in relation to the objects of the war, said they appeared to him, from an examination of the president's message, to be threefold: (1.) To repel invasion ; (2.) To establish the Rio del Norte as the western boundary; (3). To obtain payment of the indemnities due our eitizens for claims against Mexico. The president had not recommended that congress should declare war; he assumed that it existed already, and called upon congress to recognize its existence. That the war existed, and that blood had been spilled on American soil, he had assumed, on the ground that the Rio del Norte was the western bound. ary of Texas. And congress, in declaring that war had been made by

. Mexico, had recognized that river as the boundary. Hence, the crossing of that river by the Mexicans was considered invasion, which was to be repelled. These two, repelling invasion, and establishing boundary, were primary objects; and, being involved in the war, the object of indemnity, though not a sufficient cause of war in itself, yet, being involved in war, might be made one of the objects for which the war should be prosecuted.

Mr. Benton defended the president from the blame of the war, and charged it upon Mr. Calhoun. The causes of the war were farther back than the march to the Rio Grande. They began with the cession of Texas to Spain in 1819, by the Florida treaty. Mr. C. was one of the majority of Mr. Monroe's cabinet, who had given it away; the blame of which had long been unjustly charged upon Mr. Adams, the negotia. tor of the treaty, who, it was said, desired to clip the wings of the slave holding states. Mr. B. next adverted to the direct proofs of the sen

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ator's authorship of the war. On the first rumors of the victory of San Jacinto, he had, in the senate, proposed the immediate recognition of the independence of Texas, and her admission as a state; and urged, as a reason for the admission, that it would prevent that country from having the power to annoy the slaveholding states. This act would have plunged us into instant war with Mexico. Mr. B. referred to the correspondence of Mr. Calhoun, as secretary of state, with the British ministers, in which he had avowed the determination of the government to maintain the principles of slavery; and in carrying out that determination, he had induced Mr. Tyler to adopt the course he did, on the last day of his presidency, which measure had precipitated us into the war.

The choice which the alternative resolutions gave as to the mode of annexation, properly belonged to the new president. So strong was the expectation that this choice would be left to Mr. Polk, that the suggestion that it might be snatched out of his hands by the expiring administration, a senator (Mr. M'Duffie) had declared that they would not have the audacity to do it. But they did have the audacity. They did do it! or rather he did it, (looking to Mr. Calhoun ;) for Mr. Tyler was nothing in anything relating to the Texas question, from the time of the arrival of his secretary of state. “On Sunday, the 2d of March, the day which preceded the last day of his authority, on that day, sacred to peace, the council sat that acted on the resolutions, and in the darkness of a night howling with the storm, and battling with the elements, as if heaven warred upon the audacious act, (for well do I remember it,) the fatal messenger was sent off, who carried the selected resolution to Texas. The act was done : Texas was admitted : all the consequences of admission were incurred, and especially that which Mr. De Bocanegra (the Mexican minister) had denounced, and which our secretary had accepted—War.” History, Mr. B. said, would write him (Mr. C.) down the author of that calamity just so certainly as it had made Lord North the cause of the war of the revolution.

Mr. Benton said: “He now sets up for the character of pacificator; with what justice, let the further fact proclaim which I now expose." He said there were, in the summer of 1844, three hundred newspapers in the pay of the department of state, which spoke the sentiments of that department, and denounced as traitors all who were for peaceable annexation by settling, at the same time, the boundary line of Texas with Mexico. Those papers acted under instruction ; in proof of which, he read from a letter as follows:

" “As the conductor of a public journal here, he has requested me to answer it, (your letter, which request I comply with readily. With regard to the course of your paper, you can take the tone of the

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